Popularly marked as a significant work at the time of its publication, We The Tikopia has probably made it to the classics list of anthropology. As a book of extensive and at times exhaustive account of how people live and carry themselves around Tikopia, for a general leader and times even for elementarily informed ones, it is destined to come off as extremely dry and of little purpose outside its scholarly world. Raymond Firth’s ethnographic project of Tikopia, in this particular case, is a niche launch. For his mastery of the Maori language and for the handful of population that Firth could engage with in his stay at Tikopia, it would be safe to assume that the book is, at more times than often, a personal engagement. Multiple resonations of the same can be felt as he tries to tell the story of Tikopian kinship through the lives of his favorite informants.
With the title, the book is supposed to place an importance on the Kinship system. Firth, clarifies effortlessly in the book that this importance is more or less pertaining to the topic of interest that the author has aligned the book upon. The effort at illustration is notable as this intention has been successful despite the fact that kinship ties in Tikopia can very well be over-rode by references to spaces that in turn becomes the house-names for families. It is often visible how the book intends to bring a balanced analysis of the importance of kinship and land-ownership that are related in various ways.
It can be established that Firth’s approach to kinship as it is discussed in the book has considered a wide variety of factors and angles that can have influences on the system. Nowhere is this more obvious than the instances where he treats Kinship through what can be called a five-fold system involving approaches that are spatial, alimentary, material , linguistic and biographical. The effort behind such an extensive plan that extended multiple times through-out the bulk of the book have probably made a general and attentive observation that kinship relations should help us see how situations are managed in certain ways between two individuals and that it is surely a concern that extends far beyond the ways of configuring and sustaining procreation. It is surely a synthesis that would have had significant influence at that particular stage of developments in anthropology. For reasons similar, it has probably been successful in posting workable and re-thinkable contributions to the discipline.
With pages that are numerous and brimful with extremely detailed of a content, the book might not always be of inspiration too young scholars trying to engage with the problem. This is further enhanced with a classic possibility for missing the woods for the tree among its lavishly elaborated details. The book may still remain a classic and for that a monument to how anthropology thought about itself at the time. When it might seem as simply less relevant to the many discussions of anthropology in the present century, it may find its temporary retirement among other classics.