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Spies and Commissars: Bolshevik Russia and the West [Paperback] service, robert
In the aftermath of the October Revolution of 1917, the Western powers were anxious to prevent the spread of Bolshevism across Europe, while Lenin and Trotsky wanted exactly that. Robert Service looks beyond the Revolution to the extraordinary miscellany of people - spies, commissars and diplomats, unofficial intermediaries, intellectuals and opportunists - who helped shape Russia's dealings with the world beyond its borders.
440 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2011
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861 people want to read
About the author
Robert Service
33 books272 followersThis author is the British historian of modern Russia. For the British-Canadian writer of Yukon poetry, see Robert W. Service.
Robert Service is a British academic and historian of modern Russia and the Soviet Union. He is a professor of Russian history at the University of Oxford and a Fellow at St. Antony's College, Oxford.
He is the author of the highly acclaimed Lenin: A Biography, A History of Twentieth - Century Russia, Russia: Experiment with a People and Stalin: A Biography, as well as many other books on Russia's past and present. He wrote a marvelous book on communism titled Comrades Communism A World History (International Bestseller). He is married with four children.
Robert Service is a British academic and historian of modern Russia and the Soviet Union. He is a professor of Russian history at the University of Oxford and a Fellow at St. Antony's College, Oxford.
He is the author of the highly acclaimed Lenin: A Biography, A History of Twentieth - Century Russia, Russia: Experiment with a People and Stalin: A Biography, as well as many other books on Russia's past and present. He wrote a marvelous book on communism titled Comrades Communism A World History (International Bestseller). He is married with four children.
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Displaying 1 - 24 of 24 reviews
May 6, 2017
The Bolshevik Revolution of October 1917 was one of the most tumultuous events of the 20th century. Preceding it was the February 1917 Revolution, which began with a series of strikes in Petrograd (the Russian wartime capital) and ended with the downfall of the Romanov dynasty and the establishment of a provisional government under Alexander Kerensky, a center-left politician pledged to keep Russia in the First World War.
This book offers a thorough and comprehensive telling of the events underlying both of these revolutions, and their immediate aftermath. The more I read the more I felt myself a part of an big, explosive drama of Shakespearian proportions studded with a variety of colorful and infamous characters. Lenin and Leon Trotsky emerge as the key figures from the Bolshevik faction of centre- and far-left parties who vied for control of the Russian government between the late spring and autumn of 1917.
Before reading this book, I like to think that I had a fairly broad understanding of the events that shaped Russia (and by extension, Eastern and Central Europe) between 1917 and 1922. But once I took the plunge into “SPIES AND COMMISSARS”, I found that I had to tread a lot of heavy water. There was so, so much information to ingest and analyze. (Much of this information has only become available after the breakup of the Soviet Union in December 1991.) My opinion of Lenin, however, remains unchanged. He was a cunning, shameless opportunist who had no compunction about using violent means to consolidate and expand the Bolsheviks' control of Russia and, through the Comintern, spreading the gospel of Bolshevism throughout Europe. The wonder of it all was that the Bolsheviks managed to hold out, despite civil war, famine, massive social dislocation, and threats (of varying degrees) from the Germans (until their defeat in November 1918) and Allies to unseat them from power.
The best way to sum up the theme of this book is through the following remarks found in Chapter 32 ("The Unextinguished Fire") ---
"The Bolsheviks had kept their hardness and had kept their faith. Even pseudonyms they chose for themselves signified unyielding intent. Stalin was a name taken from the Russian word for steel, Molotov was a derivation of hammer. Their generation had been born and brought up in years when armed force was used the world over to expand empires and transform economies. Bolsheviks absorbed this toughness of spirit into their own doctrines and practices. They saw how industrialists, financiers and landowners had become masters of the earth. They learned from the ruthlessness and optimism they witnessed. Like the capitalists they detested, they took chances. The October Revolution had always been a gamble. But it had been successful for them, even though the price was paid by millions of Russians in death, tears and famine. Communists proved themselves flexible. Although they hated compromise, they became adept at scraping off the minimum of skin from their ideology. Bolshevism was founded on the idea that humankind is infinitely plastic, infinitely malleable. The rulers of Soviet Russia aimed to reconstruct the entire edifice of life for the benefit of the working class --- and if workers did not yet understand where their best interests lay, the communist party would simply carry out the Revolution on their behalf."
This book offers a thorough and comprehensive telling of the events underlying both of these revolutions, and their immediate aftermath. The more I read the more I felt myself a part of an big, explosive drama of Shakespearian proportions studded with a variety of colorful and infamous characters. Lenin and Leon Trotsky emerge as the key figures from the Bolshevik faction of centre- and far-left parties who vied for control of the Russian government between the late spring and autumn of 1917.
Before reading this book, I like to think that I had a fairly broad understanding of the events that shaped Russia (and by extension, Eastern and Central Europe) between 1917 and 1922. But once I took the plunge into “SPIES AND COMMISSARS”, I found that I had to tread a lot of heavy water. There was so, so much information to ingest and analyze. (Much of this information has only become available after the breakup of the Soviet Union in December 1991.) My opinion of Lenin, however, remains unchanged. He was a cunning, shameless opportunist who had no compunction about using violent means to consolidate and expand the Bolsheviks' control of Russia and, through the Comintern, spreading the gospel of Bolshevism throughout Europe. The wonder of it all was that the Bolsheviks managed to hold out, despite civil war, famine, massive social dislocation, and threats (of varying degrees) from the Germans (until their defeat in November 1918) and Allies to unseat them from power.
The best way to sum up the theme of this book is through the following remarks found in Chapter 32 ("The Unextinguished Fire") ---
"The Bolsheviks had kept their hardness and had kept their faith. Even pseudonyms they chose for themselves signified unyielding intent. Stalin was a name taken from the Russian word for steel, Molotov was a derivation of hammer. Their generation had been born and brought up in years when armed force was used the world over to expand empires and transform economies. Bolsheviks absorbed this toughness of spirit into their own doctrines and practices. They saw how industrialists, financiers and landowners had become masters of the earth. They learned from the ruthlessness and optimism they witnessed. Like the capitalists they detested, they took chances. The October Revolution had always been a gamble. But it had been successful for them, even though the price was paid by millions of Russians in death, tears and famine. Communists proved themselves flexible. Although they hated compromise, they became adept at scraping off the minimum of skin from their ideology. Bolshevism was founded on the idea that humankind is infinitely plastic, infinitely malleable. The rulers of Soviet Russia aimed to reconstruct the entire edifice of life for the benefit of the working class --- and if workers did not yet understand where their best interests lay, the communist party would simply carry out the Revolution on their behalf."
February 1, 2024
The book has a wealth of detail, although much of it can be found in other books. I found it interesting the West’s attempts (often, quite pathetic) to isolate and destabilize the Russian Revolution, whilst simultaneously proclaiming their opposition to German imperialism. For world leaders, it all depended on which imperialism one was talking about as to whether it was good or not. (Which is pretty much the same nowadays). This detail convinced me to give the book three stars, although Service often contradicts himself because of his perspective on the revolution. This is ever-present in the book. Overall, I would say that the book is interesting, because the subject is, but there are better books on it.
May 4, 2025
Excellent book about the secret agents from all over the world active in the Russian Revolution!
December 28, 2012
A fast-moving tale full of fascinating characters - not least be children's author Arthur Ransome, whom I had no idea had anything to do with Communism. The author's style reminds me of Barbara Tuchman, and he has a similarly sharp eye for character detail.
At times the narrative feels a little superficial and forced, perhaps not sure whether to focus on anecdotes or history, and it might have made the book more distinctive to tell the latter purely by way of the former rather than meeting both half-way. But still a great overview of an under-served period of great contemporary and historical importance.
At times the narrative feels a little superficial and forced, perhaps not sure whether to focus on anecdotes or history, and it might have made the book more distinctive to tell the latter purely by way of the former rather than meeting both half-way. But still a great overview of an under-served period of great contemporary and historical importance.
August 25, 2023
A compelling history of the early Bolshevik government’s rule and the West’s response.
The first part of the book describes how the Bolsheviks consolidated their power, while the second shows how Western powers attempted to undermine it through covert action and military intervention. Service does a good job explaining motives and misunderstandings.
Service does a great job showing how haphazard the Soviet project was and how Lenin and Trotsky basically made it up as they went along. He ably describes the experience of commoners, and the Russians’ capacity for suffering. He also ably brings to life the colorful British agents involved, who ranged from visionary to eccentric to insane. The narrative can be a little dry but the people and events covered usually maintain your interest.
Service does assume that the reader knows French. He also refers to Enver Pasha as “a prominent figure in the military campaign under Mustafa Kemal to salvage Turkey's independence after the Ottoman defeat in the First World War,” even though Enver was in exile at the time, and Kemal blocked him from returning for a period and rejected his ideas.
An interesting work, if a bit dull at times.
The first part of the book describes how the Bolsheviks consolidated their power, while the second shows how Western powers attempted to undermine it through covert action and military intervention. Service does a good job explaining motives and misunderstandings.
Service does a great job showing how haphazard the Soviet project was and how Lenin and Trotsky basically made it up as they went along. He ably describes the experience of commoners, and the Russians’ capacity for suffering. He also ably brings to life the colorful British agents involved, who ranged from visionary to eccentric to insane. The narrative can be a little dry but the people and events covered usually maintain your interest.
Service does assume that the reader knows French. He also refers to Enver Pasha as “a prominent figure in the military campaign under Mustafa Kemal to salvage Turkey's independence after the Ottoman defeat in the First World War,” even though Enver was in exile at the time, and Kemal blocked him from returning for a period and rejected his ideas.
An interesting work, if a bit dull at times.
April 3, 2014
This is a history of the first years of the relationship between Communist Russia and the outside world; a period of vast turmoil, violence, and clandestine activity. The new regime's contacts with the outside world were necessarily surreptitious, as the new revolutionary regime in Moscow was not officially recognised by other states, and its official ideology presumed that the regimes in the neighbouring states would fall swiftly to the revolution. It is a period full of fascinating characters.
But in this book they don't really come to life. Maybe it is because the scope of the book is too wide, with a too diverse cast of characters, resulting in superficial descriptions of their personalities. Maybe it is because the author didn't really care what the people he tells to story of, really thought and felt: He seems to be more eager -- too eager -- to offer us his own opinion. Maybe the historical record is just too sparse. Maybe it is just a matter of writing style.
For whatever reason, despite the fascinating potential of the subject, I found this book curiously disengaging, and in long stretches, rather tedious. There are some better chapters, and overall there is a wealth of information that makes it worthwhile to continue reading. But the book feels like a missed opportunity.
But in this book they don't really come to life. Maybe it is because the scope of the book is too wide, with a too diverse cast of characters, resulting in superficial descriptions of their personalities. Maybe it is because the author didn't really care what the people he tells to story of, really thought and felt: He seems to be more eager -- too eager -- to offer us his own opinion. Maybe the historical record is just too sparse. Maybe it is just a matter of writing style.
For whatever reason, despite the fascinating potential of the subject, I found this book curiously disengaging, and in long stretches, rather tedious. There are some better chapters, and overall there is a wealth of information that makes it worthwhile to continue reading. But the book feels like a missed opportunity.
August 4, 2014
Amazing history but too complicated. Couldn't keep track of who's who and who is doing what, where and why. Reading the Introduction and the last chapter is enough for this dilettante of Russian history. For a serious student, this is probably delicious.
started_finish_later
November 29, 2015lots of promise but very boringly written so I just put it aside
March 18, 2025
The problem with this book is twofold. First there is little that is original in it and two I have my own problems with books about spies, but more of that later.
First the lack of new information, partially this is because I have read stories about the early attempts to undermine the Bolshevik since stumbling upon the unreliable 'The Memoirs of British Agent' by Bruce Lockhart. As for Somerset Maugham, Boris Savinkov, Sidney Reilly and all the other amateur spies and counter-revolutionaries I have read all the stories.
As for my problem with books about spies and spying, I have had jaundiced review ever since reading the erroneous CIA analysis about the Soviet issued only months before the whole system imploded. Journalists and their readers love spy stories and ever since the great Egon Erwin Kisch broke the Aldred Redl story they trumpeted the betrayals real or imagined of 'spies'. Because what in the end do spies really accomplish and what effect do their betrayals have? Upon examination Redl's betrayal had absolutely no impact on the disastrous performance of the Austrian army in the opening weeks of WWI. It is also salutatory to remember that when Kim Philby made it to Moscow he discovered that the Russians were convinced he was actually a double-agent and never trusted or used him.
The famous early Soviet 'Trust' which was all smoke and mirrors is less interesting as espionage than as information about the fears Soviet leaders and officials at the time.
Professor Service is too good a historian, and excellent prose style, to be dismissed out of hand but this book doesn't 'sing' for me in the really great non fiction will. It won't lessen his reputation but it adds no luster to it either.
First the lack of new information, partially this is because I have read stories about the early attempts to undermine the Bolshevik since stumbling upon the unreliable 'The Memoirs of British Agent' by Bruce Lockhart. As for Somerset Maugham, Boris Savinkov, Sidney Reilly and all the other amateur spies and counter-revolutionaries I have read all the stories.
As for my problem with books about spies and spying, I have had jaundiced review ever since reading the erroneous CIA analysis about the Soviet issued only months before the whole system imploded. Journalists and their readers love spy stories and ever since the great Egon Erwin Kisch broke the Aldred Redl story they trumpeted the betrayals real or imagined of 'spies'. Because what in the end do spies really accomplish and what effect do their betrayals have? Upon examination Redl's betrayal had absolutely no impact on the disastrous performance of the Austrian army in the opening weeks of WWI. It is also salutatory to remember that when Kim Philby made it to Moscow he discovered that the Russians were convinced he was actually a double-agent and never trusted or used him.
The famous early Soviet 'Trust' which was all smoke and mirrors is less interesting as espionage than as information about the fears Soviet leaders and officials at the time.
Professor Service is too good a historian, and excellent prose style, to be dismissed out of hand but this book doesn't 'sing' for me in the really great non fiction will. It won't lessen his reputation but it adds no luster to it either.
February 3, 2013
This is really a diplomatic history of the Bolsheviks, and the title used instead gives an idea of what Service is trying to do on every page - which is to jazz up a subject with "jolly" writing that is inherently pretty jazzy to begin with. Service is knowledgeable, shrewd, and has lots of facts and documents at his command, yet can keep the narrative going (this would be a good book to read to prepare for a final in a course on the Russian Revolution, instead of reading the course assignments). But the problem is that he doesn't have a good command of his tone, and there are many moments in which some awareness that he is treating a pretty grave subject is lacking. Someone who doesn't know the consequences of the events he is narrating could get the wrong idea in a number of ways, and his striving to be journalistic means that he can, eg, call Churchill speaking about Bolshevism in 1918 a silly alarmist in the same paragraph that he calls him prescient and visionary. It's almost as if it is designed to allow people with each judgment to miss the other.
Viewing the Revolution through the lens of the foreigners - particularly the English and American journalists, enthusiasts, secret agents and diplomats (there was a lot of crossover) is a good and fresh one. There are a lot of familiar names -John Reed, Sidney Reilly (the Ace of Spies), Lenin and Trotsky - and his judgment of them seems both fresh and somewhat callow. More to come...
Viewing the Revolution through the lens of the foreigners - particularly the English and American journalists, enthusiasts, secret agents and diplomats (there was a lot of crossover) is a good and fresh one. There are a lot of familiar names -John Reed, Sidney Reilly (the Ace of Spies), Lenin and Trotsky - and his judgment of them seems both fresh and somewhat callow. More to come...
June 28, 2021
The title to this book indicates that it doesn't quite know what it is. Of course there were spies and commissars in the Russian Revolution. More importantly, there have been hundreds or thousands of books that have dealt the "early years" of that revolution, and have discussed such spies and commissars.
Although it never states it as such, this book does try to take just a slightly atypical look at the revolution by focusing on the foreign services of the major governments involved, both their above ground and underground portions. Although almost half is a typical history of the revolution, I'll admit that the part of diplomats and spies was largely new to me. If that meant I had to read yet another explanation of Lenin and John Reed and the Kolchak revolt in Sibera, so be it.
Many of the spies in the Russian Revolution were actually Western journalists, and they spied for both sides. Somerset Maughum, the renowned novelist, worked to recruit to Boris Savinkov, the Socialist Revolutionary, and tried to organize the trapped Czech legion into a war against the Soviets. John Reed and his lover Louis Bryant not only wrote celebratory books about Lenin and the revolution, he got a million rubles worth of diamonds to sell in the US and she became an official diplomatic courier for the Soviet government. Theodore Rothstein, who wrote for the C.P. Scott's Manchester Guardian and also worked in the British War Office as a translator, was a Russian emigre and an old London acquittance of Lenin. After being fired from the War Office, he worked to found the Britisth Socialist Party in 1920 and became Moscow's ambassador to Tehran. Arthur Ransome, a sybaritic reporter, married Yegvenia Shelepina, Trostky's assistant, and she helped sow diamonds and jewelry on her clothes to transport them out of the country for sale (a common tactic during the early anti-Soviet blockade), while he worked for the British Secret Intelligence Service. Yet he kept writing celebratory books about the Soviets and shared perhaps too much information with them about British politics.
As this brief list indicates, many, many Westerners became infatuated with the Soviet Union. The diplomatic corps were not among those devotees. Most of them, such as Britain's Sir George Buchanan and America's David Price, fled to Volgoda early in 1918 because Moscow was no longer safe for them. When the Bolshevik's captured and held the Romanian ambassador over perceived slights of the Romanian government, it was clear they were not playing by typical rule. David Lloyd George in Britain then held Maxim Litivnov to ensure foreign diplomats; safety. When Foreign Service officers came to talk to Trotsky or George Chichercin, the two first heads of the Soviet foreign office, they found that they did not abide by protocols on things like official calls or styles of dress, enjoyed shouting at their opponents, and worked out of tiny, unfurnished rooms. It was a different world.
So even if the majority of this book is unoriginal, large parts are intriguing and worthwhile. It reminds one how strange the early years of the revolution were.
Although it never states it as such, this book does try to take just a slightly atypical look at the revolution by focusing on the foreign services of the major governments involved, both their above ground and underground portions. Although almost half is a typical history of the revolution, I'll admit that the part of diplomats and spies was largely new to me. If that meant I had to read yet another explanation of Lenin and John Reed and the Kolchak revolt in Sibera, so be it.
Many of the spies in the Russian Revolution were actually Western journalists, and they spied for both sides. Somerset Maughum, the renowned novelist, worked to recruit to Boris Savinkov, the Socialist Revolutionary, and tried to organize the trapped Czech legion into a war against the Soviets. John Reed and his lover Louis Bryant not only wrote celebratory books about Lenin and the revolution, he got a million rubles worth of diamonds to sell in the US and she became an official diplomatic courier for the Soviet government. Theodore Rothstein, who wrote for the C.P. Scott's Manchester Guardian and also worked in the British War Office as a translator, was a Russian emigre and an old London acquittance of Lenin. After being fired from the War Office, he worked to found the Britisth Socialist Party in 1920 and became Moscow's ambassador to Tehran. Arthur Ransome, a sybaritic reporter, married Yegvenia Shelepina, Trostky's assistant, and she helped sow diamonds and jewelry on her clothes to transport them out of the country for sale (a common tactic during the early anti-Soviet blockade), while he worked for the British Secret Intelligence Service. Yet he kept writing celebratory books about the Soviets and shared perhaps too much information with them about British politics.
As this brief list indicates, many, many Westerners became infatuated with the Soviet Union. The diplomatic corps were not among those devotees. Most of them, such as Britain's Sir George Buchanan and America's David Price, fled to Volgoda early in 1918 because Moscow was no longer safe for them. When the Bolshevik's captured and held the Romanian ambassador over perceived slights of the Romanian government, it was clear they were not playing by typical rule. David Lloyd George in Britain then held Maxim Litivnov to ensure foreign diplomats; safety. When Foreign Service officers came to talk to Trotsky or George Chichercin, the two first heads of the Soviet foreign office, they found that they did not abide by protocols on things like official calls or styles of dress, enjoyed shouting at their opponents, and worked out of tiny, unfurnished rooms. It was a different world.
So even if the majority of this book is unoriginal, large parts are intriguing and worthwhile. It reminds one how strange the early years of the revolution were.
May 14, 2017
An interesting addition to my "course" to celebrate the centenary of the Russian Revolution. The book looks at the early years of the revolution (defining, as other authors have, the revolution as an ongoing process lasting the entirety of the Soviet period) through the eyes of the interplay between the "reds" and the "white" as well as the western diplomats and politicians thar they interacted (or attempted to) interact with.
The book puts another nail in the coffin of RR "gloriousness" or any other positive affirmation of the October Revolution. It paints a picture of men with little understanding of government or the public good rambling through the establishment of a government that was supposedly focused on "the proletariat" but in fact was very much about the new elite - the set of intellectuals who propagated the revolution in the "name" of the people, but with little understanding of them. (It gives a chill down the spine when you apply the same concept to the trump administration.)
All in all it also supports my own hypothesis that there is not a country in world history that has so consummately and thoroughly made the wrong decisions throughout their history (in terms of liberty, freedom, and human rights). The Russian people and the Russian culture has proven itself to NOT have the "Wuest" for truth and liberty and democracy time and time again. When confronted with the instability inherent in a free country or a police state with much more (supposed) stability, Russians invariably select the police state.
The book puts another nail in the coffin of RR "gloriousness" or any other positive affirmation of the October Revolution. It paints a picture of men with little understanding of government or the public good rambling through the establishment of a government that was supposedly focused on "the proletariat" but in fact was very much about the new elite - the set of intellectuals who propagated the revolution in the "name" of the people, but with little understanding of them. (It gives a chill down the spine when you apply the same concept to the trump administration.)
All in all it also supports my own hypothesis that there is not a country in world history that has so consummately and thoroughly made the wrong decisions throughout their history (in terms of liberty, freedom, and human rights). The Russian people and the Russian culture has proven itself to NOT have the "Wuest" for truth and liberty and democracy time and time again. When confronted with the instability inherent in a free country or a police state with much more (supposed) stability, Russians invariably select the police state.
March 11, 2020
What a horrific story. As you read this book and hear about all the times when the Bolsheviks could have been stopped, it just breaks your heart to know that all the horrors of socialism-come-to-life could have been avoided. All the millions of lives lost or broken in the gulags, in the basements of secret police prisons - and the specter of nuclear annihilation we all lived under as the communists threatened to export their "socialist paradise" to the rest of the world - all this could have been avoided. However depressing this is, the book is an important read because it reminds us how all this came to be and helps draw parallels between the people described therein and many of those on today's left, serving as a warning of what can happen if socialists ever come into power.
September 10, 2022
Beyond Dr. Zhivago, my knowledge of the revolution was scant. As the title makes clear, its not a history of the revolution, but of the role of spies and intelligence gathering, propaganda, etc. It is a history; a bit dry (not a spy novel) but full of interesting facts while also describing the surrounding events of the war, revolution and civil war. It touches on the players in Europe, US and Russia and the games they were all playing. Interesting to read how Hoover, of all the American players, had the best insight on our end. It is also very interesting to connect the dots from 100 years ago to Russia in Ukraine today. How little changes there.
September 27, 2019
In Spies and Commisars Robert Service revisits the 1917 October Revolution that created the Soviet Union. The Bolsheviks were ruthless in bending terror to their will and exporting revolution to the West. Stalin’s succession to party leadership led to the execution of virtually all of the early stalwarts like Trotsky and Zinoviev. It lasted 74 years.
April 22, 2014
This book does a nice job of simplifying the complicated early years of the Russian Revolution. From the Bolsheviks, the Germans, the Western Powers and all the deluded fans, it provides fascinating reading.
Interesting Facts
Even today, British attempts to undermine Communist Russia in 1918 remain classified in Britain.
Lloyd George, by authorizing a British trade agreement with the Soviet government in 1921, save the communist government from near certain economic collapse.
In April 1918, Britain landed about 2500 troops in Murmansk including some French and Serb troops. This was kept secret from the British people due to fear of public opinion.
After killing the Romanovs on July 17, 1918, the Bolsheviks managed to keep this a secret from most of their own party even up to March 1919.
At the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, the British politician raising the most concerns about a Communist Russia was Winston Churchill.
While Woodrow Wilson was secretly supplying arms to the Whites in Russia through Russian gold reserves in the United States, the first anti-interventionist Republicans were beginning to attack. In September of 1919, Republican Senator Hiram Johnson of California asked why American boys were being shot at in Russia.
In late 1919, a New York Times editorial made the wild claim that the October 1917 revolution was effected "by men from America who went to Russia."
Maryland Republican Senator Joseph I. France was first U.S. Senator to visit Russia after the Russian Revolution and led his colleagues in advocating official recognition of Soviet Russia. France was able to get Henry Cabot Lodge to lead this effort in committee hearings.
Interesting Facts
Even today, British attempts to undermine Communist Russia in 1918 remain classified in Britain.
Lloyd George, by authorizing a British trade agreement with the Soviet government in 1921, save the communist government from near certain economic collapse.
In April 1918, Britain landed about 2500 troops in Murmansk including some French and Serb troops. This was kept secret from the British people due to fear of public opinion.
After killing the Romanovs on July 17, 1918, the Bolsheviks managed to keep this a secret from most of their own party even up to March 1919.
At the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, the British politician raising the most concerns about a Communist Russia was Winston Churchill.
While Woodrow Wilson was secretly supplying arms to the Whites in Russia through Russian gold reserves in the United States, the first anti-interventionist Republicans were beginning to attack. In September of 1919, Republican Senator Hiram Johnson of California asked why American boys were being shot at in Russia.
In late 1919, a New York Times editorial made the wild claim that the October 1917 revolution was effected "by men from America who went to Russia."
Maryland Republican Senator Joseph I. France was first U.S. Senator to visit Russia after the Russian Revolution and led his colleagues in advocating official recognition of Soviet Russia. France was able to get Henry Cabot Lodge to lead this effort in committee hearings.
April 17, 2015
Packed full of information about the utterly brutal bolsheviks from 1917-21. It's not a light read but once you get into it, if you are at least vaguely interested in the topic (as you would likely be having started reading it), it is really good and very rewarding. The Bolsheviks wanted socialist revolution even if it meant creating rivers of blood to get there. Service paints a picture of a bunch of thugs who shared some juvenile coffee-house dream of a united mankind, a perfect utopia - and of course this perfect utopia was to be ruthlessly created by any violent means possible! (You almost have to admire the merciless buggers.) I will happily read any more of Service's books and I recommend this one to anyone interested in modern history.
September 21, 2012
Every time you read about this period, it strikes you just how close a run thing the Russian Revolution was, and just how easily a counter revolution could have succeeded, but sadly didn't.
This book gives a interesting and entertaining overview of the period.
Trenchant and witty writing brings the best out of in depth analysis which is sprinkled with adventurous anecodotes and vivid character studies of the main players. It's nice to have the Bolshevik revolution set in the context of how the rest of the world responded to it, as this adds a much needed dimension to the story.
Very good book, well worth a read.
This book gives a interesting and entertaining overview of the period.
Trenchant and witty writing brings the best out of in depth analysis which is sprinkled with adventurous anecodotes and vivid character studies of the main players. It's nice to have the Bolshevik revolution set in the context of how the rest of the world responded to it, as this adds a much needed dimension to the story.
Very good book, well worth a read.
December 9, 2011
Spies and Commissars is superbly well-written, as we have come to expect from Robert Service. The prose is crisp and fast-flowing. This book is an interesting history of the often-confusing post-revolutionary period and focuses on the international dimension. Before reading this history, I had no idea that one of the more important authors of my childhood, Arthur Ransome (Swallows and Amazons), had been a British agent in Russia and a Bolshevik sympathiser.
February 25, 2013
I wrote this review once, but goodreads is pretty glitchy, apparently, and deleted it.
This was very well-researched and entertainingly written. I thought it would focus more on the interwar period, however, rather than the immediate collapse of Imperial Russia up until the Allies granted diplomatic recognition. It focuses primarily on espionage and the diplomatic back-and-forth of 1918-1921, with extensive primary source research.
This was very well-researched and entertainingly written. I thought it would focus more on the interwar period, however, rather than the immediate collapse of Imperial Russia up until the Allies granted diplomatic recognition. It focuses primarily on espionage and the diplomatic back-and-forth of 1918-1921, with extensive primary source research.
May 5, 2015
A fascinating account of the Russian revolutionary period, taking up the story in 1917 and running through the early 1920s when the Bolshevik regime stabilized, despite all expectations. Service's multi-lingual, multi-archival research reveals a far more complex and contingent period than most realize. His discussion of events in Soviet Russia and in foreign capitals makes clear that the Revolution was not an isolated event, but a global occurrence, even in its earliest stages. Excellent!
November 18, 2015
Extensively researched but a little sloppy and discontinuous at times. Service has a strong anti-Communist tone throughout, with scathing denouncements of sympathizers and appeasers. Churchill is the only one who makes it out of it looking good. that being said, it's an interesting and deep work, if a bit disheveled.
October 24, 2012
A little biased. Also, not quite what I was looking for.
April 4, 2013
A detailed, evenhanded account of the events surrounding the Russian Revolution and the Allied response.
Displaying 1 - 24 of 24 reviews