When I was a kid in the '70s, my dad watched the news every night after work, while mom was preparing dinner. For some reason--good judgment, I guess--my dad never had any use for Walter Cronkite. ABC was our network of choice, and the anchors I remember best are Harry Reasoner and Howard K. Smith. They exuded trustworthiness and wisdom, and were to me the paragons of what a newsman should be.
When Smith was fresh out of college in the mid-1930s, he immediately embarked on a life of adventure and exploration. He caught a tramp steamer for Europe and spent time in Germany (he spoke German fluently) and England, where he was active in left-wing politics. He was an early opponent of Nazism and took part in a number of demonstrations in England against Hitler's regime. In 1940 he was assigned to Berlin as a reporter for CBS, and thus got to spend the early days of the war watching events from deep inside the enemy's lair.
Smith says that most foreign reporters in Germany in those days eventually succumbed to the "Berlin Blues," a weariness of living in the colorless, paranoid society the Nazis had built, and he was no exception. As relations between Germany and America soured in 1941, Smith was pressured by Goebbels' propaganda ministry to broadcast their censored version of news events, which he refused to do. Eventually the Nazi regime decided he was more of a nuisance to have around than he was of any value to them, so they granted him an exit visa. Smith, urged on by other American newsman colleagues, got on the next train for the Swiss border; the date was December 7th, 1941. His train crossed the border an hour before the Nazis closed it once they got news of the Pearl Harbor attack; those who had seen him off at the station were trapped inside Nazi Germany for the duration of the war.
When Smith got back to the US, he immediately sat down to write his observations of life in Nazi Germany, and the conclusions he had reached about the future of National Socialism and the probable course of the war. The first edition of the resulting book, Last Train From Berlin, was published in June 1942 and was one of the first--and at the time, the best--exposés of Nazi society seen in the West.
The first part of the book--the first third, say--was a bit of a slog for me. Not because it was uninteresting, but it was Smith detailing how he came to spend so much time in England and Germany and he used a lot of typical language for a young, well-educated man: that is to say, pretentious and a little obnoxious and self-righteous. As he details his activities in England, demonstrating against Chamberlain for being too soft on Nazism (something which struck me as highly inappropriate; imagine how it would look for an Englishman to come to America and protest our president), you start to get a feel about Smith's personal politics. These feelings are confirmed later.
The middle of the book, where he describes in great detail life under the Nazis in Berlin, are taken from his own very poignant experiences and his conversations with hundreds of ordinary Germans. This is the fascinating part, no less to me than it would have been to all his English and American readers since the curtain of Nazi censorship had descended over Germany years before. It is as a result of his personal observations that Smith makes the very shrewd and prescient prediction that Nazism can't last, and that Germany is probably going to lose the war. This at the end of 1941 and beginning of 1942, when the Nazi empire was at its height! It's an amazing piece of reasoning and convincingly argued.
But that's when Smith loses me. Since he's now convinced the reader that the Nazis can be beaten, he formulates his version of a plan for how to beat them. He says we have to offer the German people a better alternative so they will revolt against Hitler, and that the best way to show them we are serious is to...nationalize the coal and munitions industries in the UK and USA! He goes on to argue that Nazism (National Socialism, mind you), isn't really socialism like they have in Russia, and that Russian socialism is the wave of the future because it really works. He says it's more fair than capitalism and really will lead to utopia. I was stunned when he went down this road. Smith indicated earlier in the book that he had leftist leanings, but it becomes clear that a) he's truly anti-capitalist, and b) he doesn't understand that Nazism, socialism, and communism are all slightly different flavors of the same despotism and that all are on the opposite end of the political spectrum from capitalism and freedom. He actually thinks that Nazism and communism are opposites, when really they're just rivals for tyranny over their people. This completely brainwashed, long-discredited view of what "left vs right" really means undermines a lot of my respect for Smith's insights elsewhere in the book, though it doesn't invalidate the keenness of his experiences and observations in the middle part of this book.