“It is a balancing act that can be hard to maintain—acknowledging both the past and present selves as legitimate, attempting thus to bridge a chasm for which there are few models…As with race, border-crossing by class is difficult”.
“I only live here; I’m not from here.” These words represent Slick’s solution to the struggle all of these men who have tried, successfully, or not, to cross class boundaries have experienced. Negotiating a bicultural persona is all the more complicated when the borders are not visibly marked (for class), as by race. You can be told to discard the past as harmful and wrong, and move into the present, having seen the light. However, as difficult as that is to implement, you can’t just claim that there is nothing of value in the dark past, and thus you have nothing to lose and everything to gain by turning your back and moving on. Class cultures are not so easily painted in black and white.
“He taught me that doing the right thing is okay, because doing the right thing definitely wasn’t okay back then. It was weakness. You let your guard down, you can open yourself to be hurt, and it’s just something you never did. You never accepted help…We had a reputation to uphold, and even though you came across fearless, there was a lotta fear involved. And stuff that I wouldn’ta did straight, with some booze and drugs in me, it very easily became sociopathic behavior. I was brought up with values, but in the game we were playing you couldn’t have those. There wasn’t room for caring…We were project kids. We were just always looked down on.”
***They have low status power and economic power, so exercise force as political power. Hence, you can’t look weak or not tough.
Grasping the complex interactions between structure and agency. Social structures not only set up the choices, but they also influence the choices made through their influence on habitus. Habitus is a dynamic entity—it changes to reflect current circumstances but continues to carry the past with it as well. It is a vehicle for reproduction and for change; but more the former than the latter.
“It should be obvious from this study that all three levels of analysis—the individual, the cultural, the structural—play their part in the reproduction of social inequality.
Class and race introduce objective structural constraints that individuals must face. The bricklayer’s child has barriers to overcome that the banker’s child need never negotiate. And blacks face limits on opportunity relative to whites. These are real difference rooted in material conditions. On the subjective side, individuals can make of these objective conditions what they will in forging their identities. The bricklayer’s son may look across his high school desk at the banker’s boy sitting in front of him, shake his head dismissively and silently wager that the other can’t change the oil in his Volvo. Or he may see in the banker’s son an effortless ease with girls, grades, and teachers and shake his head despairingly at his own oil-stained fingers. Or he may do both depending on the context. Both attitudes are subjective articulation of class identity that are ultimately rooted in objective economic inequality.
The biggest help to getting a job is social networks. Working class blacks don’t have access to those social networks like working class whites do: “union jobs, roofing, contracting, windows, etc”
The Hallway Hangers have relied almost exclusively on one means of landing their jobs: connections.
A manufacturing job on the floor used to involve distance front the client and supervisor so that the personality of the worker was not important. Now, working class service jobs involve close proximity to customers and bosses which constrain the employee’s personality.
Bourgeois behavior, constrained behavior and personality is favored in a service economy. The working class ethos can be a hindrance in this setting
Perhaps the Hallway Hangers fail to see class as a variable because they grew up so ensconced in their own class culture. Just as the Brothers do not consider race an issue, the Hallway Hangers fail to see class as constraining.
“…the “demoralizing effects” of life in intense poverty and permanent material insecurity. Living in places like Clarendon Heights tends to eat away at a person’s energy and insides over time.”
“But I’m still a project kid at heart, and my first thought’s still the project thought every single time.
Which is?
Not a good thought: whack him, stab him…[but someone] taught me that it was okay to do the right thing. It’s all right to be a good guy; it’s not being weak”
“How did you get these reputation for these attitudes?
I would tell people off.
You talked about how you had to cultivate a professional attitude at work versus a street attitude, how you had to hold that line. It sounds like that was a struggle for you
Absolutely not. The attitudes here don’t coincide with the street. If you put Frankie O’Sullivan at my job, he’d last 15 minutes. The minute they asked him to do something the wrong way, he’d tear their head off. And that was kinda my mentality.”
What tends to trigger your downward spirals? What makes you fall off the wagon?
I’m weak. It can be a simple thing, a little setback, and I end up drinking. Once I start drinking, then I want to get high: coke, heroin, whatever. Impatience too, I can’t seem to stick with something for long enough…I have trouble recovering from setbacks. I don’t bounce back the way I should.
I was very surprised by the open racism of the white working class 20 yr olds towards blacks during the 1980s. The 1980s in this area is a time of transition where the projects become increasingly poor black from being majority poor white. Black cultural supremacy in this area is completed by 2006. The Hallway Hangers’ virulent racism of the 80s is gone by 2006. More accurately, it is present but no longer center stage in their worldview by then…”Though racism is no longer as central a component of their worldviews, this seems more related to their general disengagement from the world than any genuine change of heart in their racial attitudes. They seem generally unconcerned with anything that doesn’t directly confront them day-to-day; they expect little from the larger world, and thus the energy that fueled their youthful racism is largely banked.”
The 60 year olds of 2025 (born in 1965) can remember racial animosity in a way that the 40 year olds of 2025 (born 1985) cannot. It is a true generational change in attitudes