Often times people — including trans exclusionary feminists — refuse to accept trans women as women by weaponizing the idea of “biological sex.” They argue that trans women are not women because they are incapable of giving birth like “biological females.” They conveniently forget how “biological sex” is a framework that was created by white male scientists in the 19th century specifically to justify discrimination against white women and people of color.
Yale historian Dr. Russett argues that when white women organized for rights in the 19th century, European scientists responded with a “detailed examination of the differences between men and women that justified their differing social roles” (10). For these scientists, issues of race and sex were one in the same. They focused specifically on white women because they thought the “lesser peoples of Asia and Africa…were dispensable,” whereas white women bore “the future of the race” (77).
After Darwin’s theory of evolution, white male scientists doubled-down on their efforts to deny white women an equal role in society, inserting white women and people of color between themselves and apes in a fabricated racial evolutionary continuum. They argued that women were “inherently different from men in their anatomy, physiology, temperament, and intellect,” and that white women “lagged behind men, much as primitive people lagged behind Europeans” in the civilizational hierarchy (11). German scientist Carl Vogt argued that white women’s skulls resembled Black people’s skulls more than those of white men. While white men were seen as unique and distinct from one another, white women were seen as “more generic and less specific” (35).
Scientists defined womanhood as the ability to reproduce, arguing that women’s pelvises were proof of “the promise of capable maternity” (29) and describing women as naturally having less sexual desire (if any) than men. White women’s fundamentall essence was defined as being a reproductive “racial conduit” (61). Canadian scientist Grant Allen argued that white women were “the sex sacrificed for reproductive necessities” (43). If white women deviated from this role as reproducing agents, they were apathologized as criminal, unsexed, ugly, and abnormal.
Social Darwinist Herbert Spencer argued that confining women to the domestic sphere and preventing them from working was the “touchstone of high civilization,” unlike Indigenous and Black communities where women worked. Scientists believed that white women could’t receive an education or work, because they would lose vital energy that was reserved for reproduction. Ely Van de Warker called this the “penalty of sex” and Herbert Spencer called it “the physical tax which reproduction necessitates.” European male scientists concluded that the primary role of white women was to mother, that she had no other “gift to offer but her healthy — and numerous — offspring” (125).
European scientists leveraged the rhetoric of “biology” to naturalize discrimination against white women. This wasn’t legitimate science based on “reliable data;” instead it was often discussed in their research as “common knowledge” (11). By defining women’s whole being and purpose as reproductive, they were able to justify denying women’s suffrage and women’s mobility as a law of nature, not the result of political choices. Unfortunately, centuries later people continue to deploy the rhetoric of science — not the reality of science — to justify oppression against trans and intersex people.
It’s not science to define womanhood by genitalia and reproduction, it’s sexism. Womanhood is far more complex and expansive than the ability to give birth.