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Jefferson and His Time #3
Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty
This is the third volume in Dumas Malone's monumental multi-volume biography of Thomas Jefferson, Jefferson and His Time.
545 pages, Hardcover
First published January 1, 1962
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About the author
Dumas Malone
158 books29 followersDumas Malone, 1892–1986, spent thirty-eight years researching and writing Jefferson and His Time. In 1975 he received the Pulitzer Prize in history for the first five volumes. From 1923 to 1929 he taught at the University of Virginia; he left there to join the Dictionary of American Biography, bringing that work to completion as editor-in-chief. Subsequently, he served for seven years as director of the Harvard University Press. After serving on the faculties of Yale and Columbia, Malone retired to the University of Virginia in 1959 as the Jefferson Foundation Professor of History, a position he held until his retirement in 1962. He remained at the university as biographer-in-residence and finished his Jefferson biography at the University of Virginia, where it was begun.
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June 3, 2016
Volume III of Malone's exhaustive study of Thomas Jefferson. This book covers his last year as Secretary of State (1793) through his three year retirement to his home in Virginia, then his one term as Vice President (1797-1801) and concluding with his election to his first term as President in 1801 (yes, 1801, not 1800 due to the election being a tie and thus thrown into the House of Representatives to decide). Being that there literally was nothing for the Vice President to do back then other than preside over the Senate, one would think that this volume would be shorter than the others. Not so! As usual, Malone has plenty of things to write about, thanks to an endlessly fascinating subject.
As with the first two books, Malone's bias in favor of Jefferson is apparent. However, it never reaches the point of becoming so blatant as to be ridiculous. In fact, while reading through this series, more and more I am struck by Malone's professionalism and thorough research. Yes, he almost always paints Jefferson in the brightest light possible. But it is done in an intelligent and reasoned manner, and I get the sense that he genuinely believed that Jefferson was an outstanding human being (and he frequently cites examples to show Jefferson's good deeds).
One area where I (and I would suspect, many others) find it difficult to agree with Malone on is his treatment of Jefferson's owning of slaves. Such a hideous practice; how can anyone accept it as being human? Now, to be sure, Malone does not excuse Jefferson for being a slave owner. Nor does he make light of the situation at all. What he does do is to put Jefferson's owning of slaves within the context of the times that he lived. This is proper for a historian to do: the biographical subject must be depicted within the context (political, economic, geographic, social, religious) that he/she lived in. Thus, Jefferson was far from the only slaveholder around. That he was probably more benevolent and considerate than most other slaveholders I do not doubt. But the bottom line is that he still owned human beings! Malone writes that Jefferson abhorred selling or trading slaves, and that he went to great lengths to not break up slave families, and to care for elderly slaves. I do not question this. But no matter how kind he may have been and probably was, he was still a hypocrite for owning slaves yet writing about freedom for men.
Another item - though not nearly as important as the slavery issue - speaks to the kind of person that Jefferson could be. He and George Washington had a falling out - basically from Jefferson making oblique criticisms here and there about Washington's being used and misled by Hamilton and the Federalists, and from Washington having thin skin for criticism and being susceptible to believing everything he heard. As usual with Jefferson, there was no direct confrontation, just a gradual separation culminating in a time where they stopped communicating with each other. I bring this up to note that, when Washington died, Jefferson seemed to go out of his way to avoid any all eulogies and tributes to him, specifically arriving in Philadelphia a few days after the start of the Senate session (although he frequently did this anyway). But he did not pay a visit to Martha Washington until a year later, even though he easily could have done so. And, he made no comment in public or private about someone who trusted him enough to appoint him as the very first Secretary of State. Things such as that do not buttress Malone's claim on page 480 that Jefferson "...was in fact one of the most moral of men...".
Overall, this book - like the first two - is essential reading for anyone interested in learning about Jefferson. It is hard to understand how someone could become an authority on Jefferson without devouring Malone's works. Even though the level of detail can grow cumbersome at times (such as the chapter about Jefferson's complete rebuilding of Monticello and when the roof was/was not on), Malone really gives the reader a sense of what Jefferson was actually doing in his life on an everyday basis. In the end, isn't that what a good biographer is supposed to do?
Grade: A-
As with the first two books, Malone's bias in favor of Jefferson is apparent. However, it never reaches the point of becoming so blatant as to be ridiculous. In fact, while reading through this series, more and more I am struck by Malone's professionalism and thorough research. Yes, he almost always paints Jefferson in the brightest light possible. But it is done in an intelligent and reasoned manner, and I get the sense that he genuinely believed that Jefferson was an outstanding human being (and he frequently cites examples to show Jefferson's good deeds).
One area where I (and I would suspect, many others) find it difficult to agree with Malone on is his treatment of Jefferson's owning of slaves. Such a hideous practice; how can anyone accept it as being human? Now, to be sure, Malone does not excuse Jefferson for being a slave owner. Nor does he make light of the situation at all. What he does do is to put Jefferson's owning of slaves within the context of the times that he lived. This is proper for a historian to do: the biographical subject must be depicted within the context (political, economic, geographic, social, religious) that he/she lived in. Thus, Jefferson was far from the only slaveholder around. That he was probably more benevolent and considerate than most other slaveholders I do not doubt. But the bottom line is that he still owned human beings! Malone writes that Jefferson abhorred selling or trading slaves, and that he went to great lengths to not break up slave families, and to care for elderly slaves. I do not question this. But no matter how kind he may have been and probably was, he was still a hypocrite for owning slaves yet writing about freedom for men.
Another item - though not nearly as important as the slavery issue - speaks to the kind of person that Jefferson could be. He and George Washington had a falling out - basically from Jefferson making oblique criticisms here and there about Washington's being used and misled by Hamilton and the Federalists, and from Washington having thin skin for criticism and being susceptible to believing everything he heard. As usual with Jefferson, there was no direct confrontation, just a gradual separation culminating in a time where they stopped communicating with each other. I bring this up to note that, when Washington died, Jefferson seemed to go out of his way to avoid any all eulogies and tributes to him, specifically arriving in Philadelphia a few days after the start of the Senate session (although he frequently did this anyway). But he did not pay a visit to Martha Washington until a year later, even though he easily could have done so. And, he made no comment in public or private about someone who trusted him enough to appoint him as the very first Secretary of State. Things such as that do not buttress Malone's claim on page 480 that Jefferson "...was in fact one of the most moral of men...".
Overall, this book - like the first two - is essential reading for anyone interested in learning about Jefferson. It is hard to understand how someone could become an authority on Jefferson without devouring Malone's works. Even though the level of detail can grow cumbersome at times (such as the chapter about Jefferson's complete rebuilding of Monticello and when the roof was/was not on), Malone really gives the reader a sense of what Jefferson was actually doing in his life on an everyday basis. In the end, isn't that what a good biographer is supposed to do?
Grade: A-
December 6, 2013
http://bestpresidentialbios.com/2013/...
“Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty” is the third of six volumes in Dumas Malone’s epic biography on Thomas Jefferson. Malone spent over one-third of his life researching and writing this series, his most renowned work for which he won a 1975 Pulitzer Prize. This volume covers the years 1792-1800, including the last year of Jefferson’s tenure as Secretary of State, his three-year retirement at Monticello, his years as John Adams’ Vice President and his election to the presidency in 1800.
Although many reviewers of this volume seem to have felt “Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty” might have been better titled “Jefferson and the Ordeal of Reading,” I found this part of Malone’s series more interesting than the first volume and roughly on par with the second. Happily, somewhere between the first and third volumes his style of writing seems to have become more user-friendly and Jefferson’s life story even more interesting.
Unfortunately, this book (like the first two in the series) often suffers from an overwhelming amount of detail. Die-hard fans of Malone may consider this entirely appropriate in what can be considered an “encyclopedic accounting” of the times – at least as they relate directly to Jefferson. But in some respects, Jefferson seems to have been directly involved in relatively little during these years (other than his election as Vice President in 1796 and President in 1800 – irony not intended) which left me wondering whether this portion of his life really requires five hundred pages.
But while much of the action of the day seems to occur far from the vice presidency, we have the opportunity to absorb Malone’s accounting of the thrust and parry between Jefferson and Madison, and Hamilton and his supporters, which never seems to grow dull. We also get to know Jefferson himself better, primarily through the description of the years he spent at Monticello after his service in Washington’s cabinet and before his election as vice president. But make no mistake, his multifaceted personality remains largely elusive and enigmatic at this point, and may well through the end of the series.
Throughout this volume we also witness Malone’s tendency to acquit Jefferson in every matter of controversy, nearly always finding fault with whomever history finds on the other side of an argument. But where other reviewers often find this to be Malone’s fatal flaw, I am rarely surprised to discover sympathy between an author and his or her subject. Due to my pre-existing familiarity with both sides of the issues described in this volume – or perhaps because I’m generally suspicious when someone is consistently portrayed as a saint – these biases neither distract nor bother me much.
Because Malone’s account of history in this exhaustive study of Jefferson’s life seems to include nearly everything that happened to Jefferson (at least those not relating to the Hemings controversy, of which I’ve seen virtually nothing thus far) my experience with Malone’s series continues to remind me less of a traditional biography and more of a very well researched history book. Malone simply never strips away the bulk of detail which seems extraneous to most readers or boils the detail down to its most important essence. In nearly all cases that work is left to the reader.
Nonetheless, my experience so far – halfway through the Malone journey – suggests that a more exhaustive account of Jefferson’s life would be difficult to find, or construct. As a nearly complete biographical account of Jefferson’s life based upon obviously deep and time-consuming research, this series is masterful. Still, as a biography to be read casually by someone interested in getting to know Jefferson “a little bit better” it remains cumbersome and probably unapproachable. Malone is no master of efficiency and is not primarily a storyteller, but instead primarily a historian.
Overall rating: 3¾ stars
“Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty” is the third of six volumes in Dumas Malone’s epic biography on Thomas Jefferson. Malone spent over one-third of his life researching and writing this series, his most renowned work for which he won a 1975 Pulitzer Prize. This volume covers the years 1792-1800, including the last year of Jefferson’s tenure as Secretary of State, his three-year retirement at Monticello, his years as John Adams’ Vice President and his election to the presidency in 1800.
Although many reviewers of this volume seem to have felt “Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty” might have been better titled “Jefferson and the Ordeal of Reading,” I found this part of Malone’s series more interesting than the first volume and roughly on par with the second. Happily, somewhere between the first and third volumes his style of writing seems to have become more user-friendly and Jefferson’s life story even more interesting.
Unfortunately, this book (like the first two in the series) often suffers from an overwhelming amount of detail. Die-hard fans of Malone may consider this entirely appropriate in what can be considered an “encyclopedic accounting” of the times – at least as they relate directly to Jefferson. But in some respects, Jefferson seems to have been directly involved in relatively little during these years (other than his election as Vice President in 1796 and President in 1800 – irony not intended) which left me wondering whether this portion of his life really requires five hundred pages.
But while much of the action of the day seems to occur far from the vice presidency, we have the opportunity to absorb Malone’s accounting of the thrust and parry between Jefferson and Madison, and Hamilton and his supporters, which never seems to grow dull. We also get to know Jefferson himself better, primarily through the description of the years he spent at Monticello after his service in Washington’s cabinet and before his election as vice president. But make no mistake, his multifaceted personality remains largely elusive and enigmatic at this point, and may well through the end of the series.
Throughout this volume we also witness Malone’s tendency to acquit Jefferson in every matter of controversy, nearly always finding fault with whomever history finds on the other side of an argument. But where other reviewers often find this to be Malone’s fatal flaw, I am rarely surprised to discover sympathy between an author and his or her subject. Due to my pre-existing familiarity with both sides of the issues described in this volume – or perhaps because I’m generally suspicious when someone is consistently portrayed as a saint – these biases neither distract nor bother me much.
Because Malone’s account of history in this exhaustive study of Jefferson’s life seems to include nearly everything that happened to Jefferson (at least those not relating to the Hemings controversy, of which I’ve seen virtually nothing thus far) my experience with Malone’s series continues to remind me less of a traditional biography and more of a very well researched history book. Malone simply never strips away the bulk of detail which seems extraneous to most readers or boils the detail down to its most important essence. In nearly all cases that work is left to the reader.
Nonetheless, my experience so far – halfway through the Malone journey – suggests that a more exhaustive account of Jefferson’s life would be difficult to find, or construct. As a nearly complete biographical account of Jefferson’s life based upon obviously deep and time-consuming research, this series is masterful. Still, as a biography to be read casually by someone interested in getting to know Jefferson “a little bit better” it remains cumbersome and probably unapproachable. Malone is no master of efficiency and is not primarily a storyteller, but instead primarily a historian.
Overall rating: 3¾ stars
March 16, 2021
This book was a little more fun than the others in the series so far. I haven't come to really understand (or even like) Jefferson all that much to this point in his life but I know the last half of this series will cover Jefferson at his worst, most vicious, and unprincipled (in my opinion). For that reason, this book is fascinating in charting "the turn": here we get the last little bit Jefferson's principled "innocence" and his slow turn into a partisan fighter.
This book covers his last year as Secretary of State, his three year respite at Monticello, and his single term as Vice-President into the Election of 1800. That's an interesting transition from cabinet member to head of the country. Once he stepped down as Secretary of State, he expressed no interest in a future in politics. And yet, what's most fascinating is seeing how that interest was birthed--or rather, revealed both to others and himself. It's hard to read his words and thoughts denying any interest in party politics and reconcile it with his actions--all while he genuinely seemed to believe what he was saying.
This volume, more than any others, show us Jefferson the Self-Deluded--the one who lies to himself fully and totally, under the guise of principles and intellect. Things that appear so conniving and disingenuous to us on the outside get interpreted by Jefferson himself as entirely consistent with who he has been all along, or at least as wise flexibility to the circumstances around him.
That gives this volume almost a sense of gothic horror: a tale of a man willingly taken somewhere he thought he never wanted to be, so naturally and easily turned into a man he claimed was not within his character to be. It's a lesson to us all in how we can so easily become what we hate, all while feeling "from the inside", as it were, that we are people of nobility, pragmatism, and integrity. Every villain is the hero of their own story.
What gives this an added dimension is that Dumas doesn't see Jefferson that way at all. He continues his tendency to act as Jefferson apologist, going at lengths to explain Jefferson's turns, though at least he recognizes that Jefferson is being inconsistent for the sake of convenience--he just waves it away as the pragmatism of leadership, attentiveness to the moment, and not letting his past dictate his future.
It is shocking how highly and nobly Jefferson views himself, even while sowing the seeds of destruction, chaos, and partisan warfare that are in our politics even today. Always with an eye towards his own legacy and portrayal by history, always pretending to be transcendently above the fray, Thomas Jefferson is revealed in this volume to be one of the most manipulative actors in American history, all while being blind to it within himself.
(On a personal note, I imagine this is how some people view me. That fact makes this volume even more impactful and humbling.)
Another highlight of this volume compared to the others is during Jefferson's Monticello sabbatical between political projects. These relatively quiet few years will be the last for him and us in the narrative of his life before his final years back on the "Little Mountain". And so Dumas wisely and entertainingly takes this period to do deep dives into the interesting subjects around Jefferson's life. Whole chapters are dedicated to 18th-century architecture, farming, daily life, economics, and yes, slavery (in which we get our first defense from Dumas against the Sally Hemings charges). Each of these vignettes paint an in-depth portrait of those topics which could be whole articles are books in-and-of-themselves. They are certainly a highlight of this volume.
Nevertheless, politics does return to the narrative, with the Alien and Sedition Acts being the platform on which Jefferson can be "reluctantly dragged" back into partisan battle, becoming the Republican mafia godfather in the background, slowly laying a groundwork for his eventual Presidency.
Stylistically, the book maintains the same mid-century "just the facts, ma'am" tone. Dumas' account of the Election of 1800 doesn't have the excitement that other writers lend to this strange period in American history, nor does he meditate on the symbolic significance of the moment, but it is a fun and fast-moving (and still somewhat confusing) series of months. And the whole issue with the Jefferson-Burr tie is told with none of the intrigue or subterfuge that historians usually give to this time. It makes the whole thing seem less dramatic which, while that may be true to reality, can feel like a letdown.
The campaign was vicious and, of course, Dumas lays the blame elsewhere for the egregious attacks on John Adams, thought the two men had been long-time friends and Jefferson could have brought the carnage to an end. But ambition cloaked as principle is a nasty thing. But by the end of this book, we see this feature of Jefferson in full blossom, even if not at its worst quite yet. But here we see the beginnings, and Dumas gives us a more-than-competent and detailed account of how Jefferson got there.
This book covers his last year as Secretary of State, his three year respite at Monticello, and his single term as Vice-President into the Election of 1800. That's an interesting transition from cabinet member to head of the country. Once he stepped down as Secretary of State, he expressed no interest in a future in politics. And yet, what's most fascinating is seeing how that interest was birthed--or rather, revealed both to others and himself. It's hard to read his words and thoughts denying any interest in party politics and reconcile it with his actions--all while he genuinely seemed to believe what he was saying.
This volume, more than any others, show us Jefferson the Self-Deluded--the one who lies to himself fully and totally, under the guise of principles and intellect. Things that appear so conniving and disingenuous to us on the outside get interpreted by Jefferson himself as entirely consistent with who he has been all along, or at least as wise flexibility to the circumstances around him.
That gives this volume almost a sense of gothic horror: a tale of a man willingly taken somewhere he thought he never wanted to be, so naturally and easily turned into a man he claimed was not within his character to be. It's a lesson to us all in how we can so easily become what we hate, all while feeling "from the inside", as it were, that we are people of nobility, pragmatism, and integrity. Every villain is the hero of their own story.
What gives this an added dimension is that Dumas doesn't see Jefferson that way at all. He continues his tendency to act as Jefferson apologist, going at lengths to explain Jefferson's turns, though at least he recognizes that Jefferson is being inconsistent for the sake of convenience--he just waves it away as the pragmatism of leadership, attentiveness to the moment, and not letting his past dictate his future.
It is shocking how highly and nobly Jefferson views himself, even while sowing the seeds of destruction, chaos, and partisan warfare that are in our politics even today. Always with an eye towards his own legacy and portrayal by history, always pretending to be transcendently above the fray, Thomas Jefferson is revealed in this volume to be one of the most manipulative actors in American history, all while being blind to it within himself.
(On a personal note, I imagine this is how some people view me. That fact makes this volume even more impactful and humbling.)
Another highlight of this volume compared to the others is during Jefferson's Monticello sabbatical between political projects. These relatively quiet few years will be the last for him and us in the narrative of his life before his final years back on the "Little Mountain". And so Dumas wisely and entertainingly takes this period to do deep dives into the interesting subjects around Jefferson's life. Whole chapters are dedicated to 18th-century architecture, farming, daily life, economics, and yes, slavery (in which we get our first defense from Dumas against the Sally Hemings charges). Each of these vignettes paint an in-depth portrait of those topics which could be whole articles are books in-and-of-themselves. They are certainly a highlight of this volume.
Nevertheless, politics does return to the narrative, with the Alien and Sedition Acts being the platform on which Jefferson can be "reluctantly dragged" back into partisan battle, becoming the Republican mafia godfather in the background, slowly laying a groundwork for his eventual Presidency.
Stylistically, the book maintains the same mid-century "just the facts, ma'am" tone. Dumas' account of the Election of 1800 doesn't have the excitement that other writers lend to this strange period in American history, nor does he meditate on the symbolic significance of the moment, but it is a fun and fast-moving (and still somewhat confusing) series of months. And the whole issue with the Jefferson-Burr tie is told with none of the intrigue or subterfuge that historians usually give to this time. It makes the whole thing seem less dramatic which, while that may be true to reality, can feel like a letdown.
The campaign was vicious and, of course, Dumas lays the blame elsewhere for the egregious attacks on John Adams, thought the two men had been long-time friends and Jefferson could have brought the carnage to an end. But ambition cloaked as principle is a nasty thing. But by the end of this book, we see this feature of Jefferson in full blossom, even if not at its worst quite yet. But here we see the beginnings, and Dumas gives us a more-than-competent and detailed account of how Jefferson got there.
February 18, 2019
Thomas Jefferson, by the midpoint of his life, found himself becoming an adversary of his old friend John Adams, as Dumas Malone chronicles in this third volume of Jefferson and His Time, Malone’s six-volume biography of Jefferson. Written in 1962, Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty covers the period from August of 1792, when Jefferson was still George Washington’s Secretary of State, through January of 1801, when Jefferson as President-Elect prepared to be sworn in as Third President of the United States.
Part of what stands out about Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty, in comparison with the previous two volumes of Jefferson and His Time, is Malone’s seemingly greater willingness, in this volume, to offer mild criticisms of a subject he is usually eager to defend. Consider, in that regard, Malone’s examination of the “Genêt affair” of 1793-94, when Edmond Charles Genêt, then the French minister to the U.S.A., sought to draw the Americans into an alliance with France against England. As Secretary of State for the Washington Administration, Jefferson was the “point person” for diplomatic conversations with the French minister, and Genêt seems to have done his best to take advantage of Jefferson’s well-known affection for all things French.
Malone is unwontedly critical of Jefferson when he quotes a letter from Jefferson to James Monroe, one in which Jefferson states that “France has explained herself generously” in spite of outrageous demands that Genêt had already made; “A question arises, therefore, about [Jefferson’s] gullibility,” Malone sternly notes. Even here, however, Malone feels obliged to add that Jefferson “was drawing a contrast between the friendliness of the French and the unfriendliness of the British government”, and to insist that Jefferson’s “failure to mention difficulties which had already arisen does not mean that he was unaware of them” (p. 101). No doubt Jefferson would have been appreciative of the alacrity with which Malone (almost) always rises to the great Virginian’s defense.
Malone’s description of Jefferson’s period of semi-retirement between 1794 and 1797 likewise contains some at-least-implied criticism. When it comes to managing a plantation estate like Monticello – where the beauty of the beautiful mountaintop home increased right along with Jefferson’s indebtedness – Malone writes that Jefferson “had found that it ran the owner into debt if he was absent from it and if he was forced to deal on credit.” Yet Malone notes that Jefferson “might have added that its proceeds could not be expected to pay off heavy debts already existing, or to finance extensive construction projects, or to provide for the failures of others” (p. 198).
From my home here in Northern Virginia, I can travel to Monticello quite easily. I have made many visits to Monticello, and I have no doubt that I will visit there many more times in the course of my life; and whenever I go there, I feel mixed emotions. On the one hand, there is the dazzling beauty of the great house – ample evidence of the order and brilliance of Jefferson’s mind. On the other hand, there is the knowledge that the constant expansion and reconstruction of Monticello contributed to Jefferson’s ever-increasing indebtedness, and to the certainty that most of the hundreds of people held in slavery by Jefferson could never even hope for freedom.
However much Jefferson may have hoped at some level that he could remain in gentlemanly retirement at Monticello, he remained an active leader of the nascent Democratic-Republican party; and in the election of 1796, he finished second to John Adams. Under the constitutional system as it existed at that time – one that is strongly different from our system today – this meant that he automatically became Vice President of the United States. Had we the same system today, the result would be that Donald Trump’s Vice President would be Hillary Rodham Clinton! Interesting to wonder what cabinet meetings nowadays would be like under those circumstances.
Given the widely differing political philosophies that Adams and Jefferson held, it should be no surprise that relations between the two men eventually became strained; at a special session of Congress in 1797, Jefferson said “that political passions had reached such a point that men now crossed the street to avoid meeting men with whom they had long been intimate, and turned their heads the other way lest they be obliged to touch their hats” (p. 301). Sad to think of the decades-long rift that developed between Thomas Jefferson and John Adams – two great Americans, two Founding Fathers, and previously two great friends. Even sadder to contemplate, perhaps, is the permanent breach that developed between Jefferson and George Washington; two letters critical of Washington Administration policies – one written by Jefferson, the other unjustly ascribed to him – angered the ever-proud Washington to the extent that “After Washington’s retirement to Mount Vernon he and Jefferson never met again, nor did they correspond on any subject whatever – not even agriculture” (p. 308).
Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty also engages one of the most difficult and challenging aspects of the Jeffersonian legacy – the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions crafted in 1798 by Jefferson and James Madison respectively. The resolutions were developed against the background of the Alien and Sedition Acts passed into law under the Adams Administration. At a time when most new immigrants supported Jefferson’s Democratic-Republican party rather than Adams’s Federalist party, the Alien Acts made naturalization more difficult and made it easier for the federal government to deport non-citizens; in a time when Democratic-Republican newspapers were harshly critical of Adams’s Federalist administration, the Sedition Act facilitated the prosecution of publishers deemed to have made false statements against the government.
Anti-immigrant sentiments! Challenges to freedom of the press! Controversial new measures being championed by an unpopular president! Plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose.
Both acts, to Jefferson, constituted a potentially dangerous expansion of federal power; and biographer Malone seems to agree – hence the Ordeal of Liberty portion of the title of this volume from Jefferson and His Time. And yet the “solution” that Jefferson and Madison proposed – that the states could declare unconstitutional any federal government act that went outside the provisions of the United States Constitution – contained its own potential problems. In it, one can see the spectre of “interposition” or “nullification” – of states defying federal power in order to preserve unjust social or political systems within their own state boundaries. It happened during the time of slavery; it happened when eleven states seceded from the Union to form the Confederacy and initiate civil war; and it happened throughout the time of the Civil Rights Movement.
Malone seems to understand that he’s going to have to do some heavy lifting here, if he is to offer his usual strong support for Jefferson’s decisions and policies. Defending the decision of Jefferson and Madison to issue the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions anonymously, Malone suggests that “As the avowed author of the Kentucky Resolutions…the Vice President of the United States could have been charged with sedition and perhaps impeached for treason. In this period of hysteria almost anything could have happened” (p. 400). It is an interesting and forcefully presented argument, and yet it is a melancholy spectacle to contemplate an American vice-president and president working against one another so forcefully. Perhaps it is no wonder that the current system of presidential and vice-presidential candidates running on the same party ticket was adopted so early.
History records that Jefferson ran for president against Adams one more time in 1800 – and won, after what is still one of the bitterest and most divisive elections in the nation’s history. As Jefferson had run on a platform indicating that the Adams Administration had been guilty of gross presidential overreach, Malone points out, “There was little likelihood that [Jefferson] would be reckless or destructive, but no one could yet say whether or not he could unify the country after these bitterly divisive years. Many might wonder whether he would be a leader or a presiding officer” (p. 506).
Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty ends on that cusp, as President-Elect Jefferson prepares to take on the burdens of his nation’s highest office. Like all of the books in the Jefferson and His Time series, it is characterized by mellifluous writing, by meticulous scholarship, and by author Malone’s strong sympathy for his subject.
Part of what stands out about Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty, in comparison with the previous two volumes of Jefferson and His Time, is Malone’s seemingly greater willingness, in this volume, to offer mild criticisms of a subject he is usually eager to defend. Consider, in that regard, Malone’s examination of the “Genêt affair” of 1793-94, when Edmond Charles Genêt, then the French minister to the U.S.A., sought to draw the Americans into an alliance with France against England. As Secretary of State for the Washington Administration, Jefferson was the “point person” for diplomatic conversations with the French minister, and Genêt seems to have done his best to take advantage of Jefferson’s well-known affection for all things French.
Malone is unwontedly critical of Jefferson when he quotes a letter from Jefferson to James Monroe, one in which Jefferson states that “France has explained herself generously” in spite of outrageous demands that Genêt had already made; “A question arises, therefore, about [Jefferson’s] gullibility,” Malone sternly notes. Even here, however, Malone feels obliged to add that Jefferson “was drawing a contrast between the friendliness of the French and the unfriendliness of the British government”, and to insist that Jefferson’s “failure to mention difficulties which had already arisen does not mean that he was unaware of them” (p. 101). No doubt Jefferson would have been appreciative of the alacrity with which Malone (almost) always rises to the great Virginian’s defense.
Malone’s description of Jefferson’s period of semi-retirement between 1794 and 1797 likewise contains some at-least-implied criticism. When it comes to managing a plantation estate like Monticello – where the beauty of the beautiful mountaintop home increased right along with Jefferson’s indebtedness – Malone writes that Jefferson “had found that it ran the owner into debt if he was absent from it and if he was forced to deal on credit.” Yet Malone notes that Jefferson “might have added that its proceeds could not be expected to pay off heavy debts already existing, or to finance extensive construction projects, or to provide for the failures of others” (p. 198).
From my home here in Northern Virginia, I can travel to Monticello quite easily. I have made many visits to Monticello, and I have no doubt that I will visit there many more times in the course of my life; and whenever I go there, I feel mixed emotions. On the one hand, there is the dazzling beauty of the great house – ample evidence of the order and brilliance of Jefferson’s mind. On the other hand, there is the knowledge that the constant expansion and reconstruction of Monticello contributed to Jefferson’s ever-increasing indebtedness, and to the certainty that most of the hundreds of people held in slavery by Jefferson could never even hope for freedom.
However much Jefferson may have hoped at some level that he could remain in gentlemanly retirement at Monticello, he remained an active leader of the nascent Democratic-Republican party; and in the election of 1796, he finished second to John Adams. Under the constitutional system as it existed at that time – one that is strongly different from our system today – this meant that he automatically became Vice President of the United States. Had we the same system today, the result would be that Donald Trump’s Vice President would be Hillary Rodham Clinton! Interesting to wonder what cabinet meetings nowadays would be like under those circumstances.
Given the widely differing political philosophies that Adams and Jefferson held, it should be no surprise that relations between the two men eventually became strained; at a special session of Congress in 1797, Jefferson said “that political passions had reached such a point that men now crossed the street to avoid meeting men with whom they had long been intimate, and turned their heads the other way lest they be obliged to touch their hats” (p. 301). Sad to think of the decades-long rift that developed between Thomas Jefferson and John Adams – two great Americans, two Founding Fathers, and previously two great friends. Even sadder to contemplate, perhaps, is the permanent breach that developed between Jefferson and George Washington; two letters critical of Washington Administration policies – one written by Jefferson, the other unjustly ascribed to him – angered the ever-proud Washington to the extent that “After Washington’s retirement to Mount Vernon he and Jefferson never met again, nor did they correspond on any subject whatever – not even agriculture” (p. 308).
Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty also engages one of the most difficult and challenging aspects of the Jeffersonian legacy – the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions crafted in 1798 by Jefferson and James Madison respectively. The resolutions were developed against the background of the Alien and Sedition Acts passed into law under the Adams Administration. At a time when most new immigrants supported Jefferson’s Democratic-Republican party rather than Adams’s Federalist party, the Alien Acts made naturalization more difficult and made it easier for the federal government to deport non-citizens; in a time when Democratic-Republican newspapers were harshly critical of Adams’s Federalist administration, the Sedition Act facilitated the prosecution of publishers deemed to have made false statements against the government.
Anti-immigrant sentiments! Challenges to freedom of the press! Controversial new measures being championed by an unpopular president! Plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose.
Both acts, to Jefferson, constituted a potentially dangerous expansion of federal power; and biographer Malone seems to agree – hence the Ordeal of Liberty portion of the title of this volume from Jefferson and His Time. And yet the “solution” that Jefferson and Madison proposed – that the states could declare unconstitutional any federal government act that went outside the provisions of the United States Constitution – contained its own potential problems. In it, one can see the spectre of “interposition” or “nullification” – of states defying federal power in order to preserve unjust social or political systems within their own state boundaries. It happened during the time of slavery; it happened when eleven states seceded from the Union to form the Confederacy and initiate civil war; and it happened throughout the time of the Civil Rights Movement.
Malone seems to understand that he’s going to have to do some heavy lifting here, if he is to offer his usual strong support for Jefferson’s decisions and policies. Defending the decision of Jefferson and Madison to issue the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions anonymously, Malone suggests that “As the avowed author of the Kentucky Resolutions…the Vice President of the United States could have been charged with sedition and perhaps impeached for treason. In this period of hysteria almost anything could have happened” (p. 400). It is an interesting and forcefully presented argument, and yet it is a melancholy spectacle to contemplate an American vice-president and president working against one another so forcefully. Perhaps it is no wonder that the current system of presidential and vice-presidential candidates running on the same party ticket was adopted so early.
History records that Jefferson ran for president against Adams one more time in 1800 – and won, after what is still one of the bitterest and most divisive elections in the nation’s history. As Jefferson had run on a platform indicating that the Adams Administration had been guilty of gross presidential overreach, Malone points out, “There was little likelihood that [Jefferson] would be reckless or destructive, but no one could yet say whether or not he could unify the country after these bitterly divisive years. Many might wonder whether he would be a leader or a presiding officer” (p. 506).
Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty ends on that cusp, as President-Elect Jefferson prepares to take on the burdens of his nation’s highest office. Like all of the books in the Jefferson and His Time series, it is characterized by mellifluous writing, by meticulous scholarship, and by author Malone’s strong sympathy for his subject.
October 28, 2017
Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty is the third of Dumas Malone's six part biography of Thomas Jefferson's life, and it lives up to the standard set by the initial two books. This covers Jefferson's time as Secretary of State in the Washington administration (the previous entry touched on some of this time as well), his brief "retirement" to Monticello before becoming John Adams's vice-president, and ends with the Electoral College tie with Aaron Burr during the 1800 election.
The portion of the book dealing with "Citizen Genet's" visit to the U.S. from France made for some of the best reading. The awkwardness of a foreign official attempting to gin up support for a foreign government's revolution on American soil and the subsequent reactions to it by Anglo and Francophiles alike was novel-like material. Watching Secretary of State Jefferson go from optimistic about this man to downright regretful of his coming to the U.S. showed how he initially gave nearly everyone the benefit of the doubt yet was not immune from making insightful judgments in the end.
The Ordeal of Liberty also deals with Jefferson and Madison's penning of the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions, respectively. These were composed generally in response to acts of the anti-French Congress, specifically as an answer to the Alien and Sedition Acts. These acts violated freedom of speech by penalizing criticism of the government, and Jefferson was convinced they were crafted to go after domestic supporters of the French Revolution, an event which loomed large over much of the biography's setting.
The chronicling of President Washington's reaction to the many "republican gatherings" which sprang up in America in support of the French Revolution shows how conflicted the first president was over supporting freedom to speech while preventing rabble rousers from undermining the government's legitimacy at the same time.
Jefferson's improvements to the grounds at Monticello are examined in minute detail, as are his contributions to the field of late 18th century science.
One element of this era strikingly different from today was the manner in which the president and vice-president were elected. Not only was it less democratic, but oftentimes the occupants of these two positions could be hostile toward one another. Since electors could not specify which of their two votes was for the first slot and which was cast for the second slot, it was not uncommon for the top two vote-getters to be at odds with one another. (The candidates running together on "tickets" now solves this potential confusion). As it turned out, Adams and Jefferson rarely consulted one another during the entire presidency of the former; they were in fact frequently at odds with the other's policies.
As the federalist Adams's administration wore on, he actually began to butt heads with what were labeled as the High Federalists, men like Hamilton who at first thought they were on the same page as Adams. Ironically, the second president ended up his time in office probably more sympathetic to republicans like Jefferson instead of the High Federalists/Hamiltonian and Jay camp. The complex relationship between John Adams and Thomas Jefferson was yet another element of intrigue found in the Ordeal of Liberty.
Malone earned the five stars his book merited. It is a tremendous body of work which earned its Pulitzer Prize.
-Andrew Canfield Denver, Colorado
The portion of the book dealing with "Citizen Genet's" visit to the U.S. from France made for some of the best reading. The awkwardness of a foreign official attempting to gin up support for a foreign government's revolution on American soil and the subsequent reactions to it by Anglo and Francophiles alike was novel-like material. Watching Secretary of State Jefferson go from optimistic about this man to downright regretful of his coming to the U.S. showed how he initially gave nearly everyone the benefit of the doubt yet was not immune from making insightful judgments in the end.
The Ordeal of Liberty also deals with Jefferson and Madison's penning of the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions, respectively. These were composed generally in response to acts of the anti-French Congress, specifically as an answer to the Alien and Sedition Acts. These acts violated freedom of speech by penalizing criticism of the government, and Jefferson was convinced they were crafted to go after domestic supporters of the French Revolution, an event which loomed large over much of the biography's setting.
The chronicling of President Washington's reaction to the many "republican gatherings" which sprang up in America in support of the French Revolution shows how conflicted the first president was over supporting freedom to speech while preventing rabble rousers from undermining the government's legitimacy at the same time.
Jefferson's improvements to the grounds at Monticello are examined in minute detail, as are his contributions to the field of late 18th century science.
One element of this era strikingly different from today was the manner in which the president and vice-president were elected. Not only was it less democratic, but oftentimes the occupants of these two positions could be hostile toward one another. Since electors could not specify which of their two votes was for the first slot and which was cast for the second slot, it was not uncommon for the top two vote-getters to be at odds with one another. (The candidates running together on "tickets" now solves this potential confusion). As it turned out, Adams and Jefferson rarely consulted one another during the entire presidency of the former; they were in fact frequently at odds with the other's policies.
As the federalist Adams's administration wore on, he actually began to butt heads with what were labeled as the High Federalists, men like Hamilton who at first thought they were on the same page as Adams. Ironically, the second president ended up his time in office probably more sympathetic to republicans like Jefferson instead of the High Federalists/Hamiltonian and Jay camp. The complex relationship between John Adams and Thomas Jefferson was yet another element of intrigue found in the Ordeal of Liberty.
Malone earned the five stars his book merited. It is a tremendous body of work which earned its Pulitzer Prize.
-Andrew Canfield Denver, Colorado
July 9, 2023
Goodness what a stressful history of American politics. More than any other time among the founding fathers, here's one that mirrors our current age. It seems maybe the founding was the exception, and here in Washington's second term and Malone's third volume, you have the true start of the country, the one we all still inhabit.
Even down to the slogans and the smearing. Jefferson keeps writing about people having the "Spirit of '76." This is in 1796, mind you. The two parties throw accusations of libel through their various papers. The Alien and Sedition Act is truly shocking - so quickly after the passing of the Bill of Rights!
After 1,500 pages, is Dumas Malone refining his style or am I just getting more used to it? Malone handles a complicated time with ease. He gently moves from political rancor to Jefferson's pastoral interludes.
I still don't like his tendency to talk around a major historical event before describing it in scant detail. He assumes too much on my education! But he's able to keep clear for me all the various machinations among the political parties and the major players.
In the end, it's a tragic read. Men who worked closely together in forming a pure new government devolve into the drudgery and infighting of actual governance. It's a good lesson. I know John Adams knew it. Breaking things is easy. Keep them going is difficult and often not nearly as simple. The great players of the American founding have split apart and now fight against each other. Part of the tragedy is in it's inevitability.
Even down to the slogans and the smearing. Jefferson keeps writing about people having the "Spirit of '76." This is in 1796, mind you. The two parties throw accusations of libel through their various papers. The Alien and Sedition Act is truly shocking - so quickly after the passing of the Bill of Rights!
After 1,500 pages, is Dumas Malone refining his style or am I just getting more used to it? Malone handles a complicated time with ease. He gently moves from political rancor to Jefferson's pastoral interludes.
I still don't like his tendency to talk around a major historical event before describing it in scant detail. He assumes too much on my education! But he's able to keep clear for me all the various machinations among the political parties and the major players.
In the end, it's a tragic read. Men who worked closely together in forming a pure new government devolve into the drudgery and infighting of actual governance. It's a good lesson. I know John Adams knew it. Breaking things is easy. Keep them going is difficult and often not nearly as simple. The great players of the American founding have split apart and now fight against each other. Part of the tragedy is in it's inevitability.
October 18, 2025
Well the author finally discovered commas in the 3rd installment of this series, making it much easier to get through compared to the previous 2.
The political battle against Hamilton and the Federalists was much more vicious than I knew, and it’s hard not to see the Federalists as the “bad guys” in the grand scheme of it overall. But given the tumultuous events in France that unfolded, and the arrogant actions of their envoy Genet who tried to sabotage the Washington admin’s newly formed foreign policy of neutrality, it’s understandable how a general battle line was drawn.
However Hamilton & gang seemed overly antagonistic on Jefferson, and it’s surprising to see how far they went to flex their power and try to snuff out the opposition. Jay’s Treaty, a major source of conflict at the time, seems almost treacherous, and the Federalists come off as arrogant British sympathizers.
I will be eventually reading Hamilton by Chernow after finishing this series, and I’m highly curious if there is any convincing rationale for the major actions of the Federalist party in this period that might change my opinion.
For now, the Federalists appear to me as the embodiment of corruption in early America, and Jefferson had the utmost patience to steer clear of the nonstop waves of printed slander & character assassination of the era.
The political battle against Hamilton and the Federalists was much more vicious than I knew, and it’s hard not to see the Federalists as the “bad guys” in the grand scheme of it overall. But given the tumultuous events in France that unfolded, and the arrogant actions of their envoy Genet who tried to sabotage the Washington admin’s newly formed foreign policy of neutrality, it’s understandable how a general battle line was drawn.
However Hamilton & gang seemed overly antagonistic on Jefferson, and it’s surprising to see how far they went to flex their power and try to snuff out the opposition. Jay’s Treaty, a major source of conflict at the time, seems almost treacherous, and the Federalists come off as arrogant British sympathizers.
I will be eventually reading Hamilton by Chernow after finishing this series, and I’m highly curious if there is any convincing rationale for the major actions of the Federalist party in this period that might change my opinion.
For now, the Federalists appear to me as the embodiment of corruption in early America, and Jefferson had the utmost patience to steer clear of the nonstop waves of printed slander & character assassination of the era.
November 26, 2020
Volume three of the six volume Jefferson and his Time covering from his last year as Secretary of State under George Washington (1793) though the election of 1800. The book is in divided into sections covering a couple years each, with chapters covering specific topics within the general time frame of the sections. Sometimes I liked that approach; sometimes I would have preferred a more straightforward narrative.
As with the first two volumes, at times it strays closer to hagiography or apologia. Malone clearly reveres Jefferson; he clearly feels the opposite about Hamilton. He is also a product of his time and dismisses the Sally Hemings affair as politically motivated rumors.
I found a couple of things very interesting: Jefferson had very little to do as vice president and spent much of that time at Monticello, and today's political vitriol has nothing on the 1790s.
While tedious at times, it is, nevertheless well-sourced and authoritative.
As with the first two volumes, at times it strays closer to hagiography or apologia. Malone clearly reveres Jefferson; he clearly feels the opposite about Hamilton. He is also a product of his time and dismisses the Sally Hemings affair as politically motivated rumors.
I found a couple of things very interesting: Jefferson had very little to do as vice president and spent much of that time at Monticello, and today's political vitriol has nothing on the 1790s.
While tedious at times, it is, nevertheless well-sourced and authoritative.
April 22, 2023
Overall I'm really enjoying these books, receiving more depth and insight into events and characters I recall from elementary and high school history. The author clearly admires Jefferson, apologizing and rationalizing some of his more questionable actions, and there is a lot to admire in Jefferson. However, the author frequently gets lost in complex sentences, and sometimes it's hard to figure out who he's talking about, with all his "latters" and "formers". He also alludes to events or actions that sound of interest, but doesn't describe them and just refers to other sources. I don't know what readers did before the internet, because many of them sound fairly obscure, and something only a large academic library would have in their collection. Besides, ain't nobody got time for that. But I'm looking forward to reading the rest of the books, and hope to read bios of Hamilton, Washington, Adams, Madison, etc. etc., and histories of the era.
December 15, 2020
I rated this 3rd volume slightly lower than the first two, not because the writing was inferior but rather a result that for the years covered here, TJ was either retired at Monticello (farming and making nails !) or sitting on his hands as VP.
There are, of course, interesting activities as Secretary of State and TJ’s relationships with leading figures of the times: Washington, Adams, Madison, Monroe, and Hamilton.
Two observations stand out for me: 1) author Malone is severely biased against Hamilton with nary a positive word written about him and 2) several written statements about slavery from the pen of Jefferson will make the modern reader wince.
On to volume 4 !
There are, of course, interesting activities as Secretary of State and TJ’s relationships with leading figures of the times: Washington, Adams, Madison, Monroe, and Hamilton.
Two observations stand out for me: 1) author Malone is severely biased against Hamilton with nary a positive word written about him and 2) several written statements about slavery from the pen of Jefferson will make the modern reader wince.
On to volume 4 !
July 6, 2024
The 3rd of Dumas Malone's 6-volume biography of Thomas Jefferson covers the years between Washington's 2nd term and the election of his first presidential term. I know the division in our politics today seems urgent and almost unique to our time, but the battle between federalists and republicans, not to mention the absolute turmoil surround the alien and sedition acts (and the restriction of free speech and dictatorial powers it gives the president concerning refugees) when war with France seemed likely all sounds very familiar. Looking forward to slowly but surely continuing this masterful detailed account.
February 28, 2022
Much improved prose .. perhaps an overflow of tired anecdotes … it is however a necessary adroit exercise that will show you Jefferson descent deeper into the partisan division that threatened the very union.
This volume probably has the least substance for Malone to work off but he still provides ( a perhaps unnecessary ) 500 pages of in-depth scholarly account of Jefferson’s waning influence as Secretary of State and the tumultuous Vice Presidency under Adams.
This volume is probably the low point of Malones 6 volume series.
This volume probably has the least substance for Malone to work off but he still provides ( a perhaps unnecessary ) 500 pages of in-depth scholarly account of Jefferson’s waning influence as Secretary of State and the tumultuous Vice Presidency under Adams.
This volume is probably the low point of Malones 6 volume series.
October 22, 2022
This was the best of the Dumas Malone series thusfar. While it is true that the author views all inferences and facts in the light most favorable to Jefferson and this truly is an apologetic work on Jefferson, the writing on the Alien and Sedition Acts, Monticello, the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions, and the battles with the High Federalists were quite interesting and quite engaging. Authors like Chernow and Meacham have the benefit of newer and better scholarship, but this was a well-written and engaging book that gets to the heart of Jefferson's core principles.
October 11, 2022
A very readable, detailed, and exhaustive look from the end of Jefferson as Secretary of State to the election of 1800. There's a lot of interest in this volume as Washington retires and the two party system really kicks in with some vicious fighting. Malone is clearly one sided here and also quickly dismisses the Sally Hemings story without even exploring it. Still, it's very informative and enjoyable.
December 5, 2021
I would only recommend Malone's books about Jefferson if you are doing a deep look at the founding fathers of America. His attention to detail makes it a useful source, but his analysis of Jefferson's actions suits a talk show host in his my guy does no wrong glasses. There are better books about Jefferson
February 20, 2022
The weakest volume so far, mainly because I couldn't really care much less about the 100-ish pages Malone spends on Jefferson's mini-retirement. But his final months as Secretary of State and his time as Vice President both get plenty of coverage, which makes me believe the next two volumes will be the strongest yet.
December 9, 2024
This book is obviously well-researched but Malone’s obvious bias for Jefferson and bias against / hatred for Hamilton really hurts the value of the book. Jefferson is a saint who can do no wrong while Hamilton is a lecherous man capable of only ill intent. I finished the book for the sake of saying I finished it.
June 13, 2020
Volume #3 of 6.
This volume bring Jefferson up to his first term as President.
I'm going to take a Brake from Jefferson for a couple of months before I start to tackle the last 3 volumes. :-)
This volume bring Jefferson up to his first term as President.
I'm going to take a Brake from Jefferson for a couple of months before I start to tackle the last 3 volumes. :-)
February 24, 2012
This is the third volume of Dumas Malone's Thomas Jefferson biography, covering the years form 17192 - 1801. As George Washington's Secretary of State, Jefferson was responsible for drafting the young country's important treaties and the act of neutrality, which defined terms for the survival of the U.S. when its old ally France went to war with England. A francophile himself, he was concerned about our relationship to the volatile government of revolutionary France. He found himself in dispute time and again with Alexander Hamilton and the Federalists. Anxious to return to private life, he resigned from the first president's administration to manage his personal affairs, including a major renovation of his home at Monticello. As a private citizen he wrote on Natural History, compiled legal precedents, and became president of the American Philosophical Society.
Of course, he was unable to escape the ongoing political intrigues, writing to and conferring with his allies James Monroe and James Madison. He had become the unofficial leader of the Republican party and in 1796 was put forth as a candidate against his old friend John Adams, who went on to become president. Poor TJ ended up going back to Philadelphia as Vice-President to preside over a Congress of political enemies, and to face controversy and scathing attacks from the Federalists. His opposition to their attempts to curtail personal freedom with the Alien and Sedition Acts led up to the contentious election of 1800, with backroom wheeling and dealing among the electors, resulted in a tie between Jefferson and Aaron Burr. It wasn't until a tie-breaking vote of the House of Representatives that Jefferson was named 3rd president of the United States to preside in the new capital city of Washington.
It's scary how familiar all this sounds -- not the Jefferson part, of course - we'll never see his like again - but the stubborn antipathy and legislative gridlock, the partisan politics, the abrasive and implacable personalities.
Malone's book is rich with the expected scholarly attention to detail. I was still surprised to find how politically naive TJ could be at that stage of his life, opening himself up to criticism time and again -- but then the situation was still forming in this new government, and the rules and roles were being written by these people -- literally, for example - bored with his rather impotent position as Vice=President in the Senate, TJ wrote the book of Legislative Procedure that is still the foundation of the Congressional activity today. Jefferson learned to be more discreet, of course, since the U.S. mail situation was such that personal letters were often purloined and might show up in an opposition newspaper in some political attack. What a time! But a lot of things haven't changed in government. Scary thing, though, is that had Jefferson and Monroe not resisted the Federalists, one wonders that the country might have become quite a different place. Malone gives the reader a lot to think about.
Of course, he was unable to escape the ongoing political intrigues, writing to and conferring with his allies James Monroe and James Madison. He had become the unofficial leader of the Republican party and in 1796 was put forth as a candidate against his old friend John Adams, who went on to become president. Poor TJ ended up going back to Philadelphia as Vice-President to preside over a Congress of political enemies, and to face controversy and scathing attacks from the Federalists. His opposition to their attempts to curtail personal freedom with the Alien and Sedition Acts led up to the contentious election of 1800, with backroom wheeling and dealing among the electors, resulted in a tie between Jefferson and Aaron Burr. It wasn't until a tie-breaking vote of the House of Representatives that Jefferson was named 3rd president of the United States to preside in the new capital city of Washington.
It's scary how familiar all this sounds -- not the Jefferson part, of course - we'll never see his like again - but the stubborn antipathy and legislative gridlock, the partisan politics, the abrasive and implacable personalities.
Malone's book is rich with the expected scholarly attention to detail. I was still surprised to find how politically naive TJ could be at that stage of his life, opening himself up to criticism time and again -- but then the situation was still forming in this new government, and the rules and roles were being written by these people -- literally, for example - bored with his rather impotent position as Vice=President in the Senate, TJ wrote the book of Legislative Procedure that is still the foundation of the Congressional activity today. Jefferson learned to be more discreet, of course, since the U.S. mail situation was such that personal letters were often purloined and might show up in an opposition newspaper in some political attack. What a time! But a lot of things haven't changed in government. Scary thing, though, is that had Jefferson and Monroe not resisted the Federalists, one wonders that the country might have become quite a different place. Malone gives the reader a lot to think about.
October 29, 2025
This has been the best book in the series thus far, surprisingly enough. I thought the years between the Hamilton-Jefferson fireworks and Jefferson’s ascension to the presidency would be more domestic and tranquil, but there’s never a dull moment in this biography.
While it is clear that Malone strives to paint Jefferson in as positively a light as possible, almost to the point of presuming Jefferson’s inerrancy, it is to Malone’s credit that he does so with rigorous scholarship and nuance. It’s not that Malone intends to defend or justify Jefferson’s actions at every turn, but rather he is getting to the bottom of what motivated Jefferson to take the actions he did; to get inside his mind and explain the subtleties within. Malone demonstrates unbelievable patience as he wades through these issues and it does require similar patience on the reader’s behalf to fully appreciate the material being presented. But the reward is well worth it.
Prior to this book I had not fully appreciated just how shocking Jefferson’s participation in the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions truly were (Jefferson drafted Kentucky’s). Here we have President Adams passing the Alien and Sedition Acts, threatening American citizens with fines, jail sentences, or even treason for uttering or printing the wrong sentiments against the U.S. government or the President himself. Meanwhile, we have the Vice President of the United States in the shadows drafting and disseminating official resolutions that reject the U.S. government’s authority (of which he is first in line to preside over!) to enforce these acts, which are therefore nullified by the states’ authority. And then to think that the very same author of those resolutions would become the President himself only two short years later! If ever America’s experiment in self-governance was at risk, it was at this moment.
While it is clear that Malone strives to paint Jefferson in as positively a light as possible, almost to the point of presuming Jefferson’s inerrancy, it is to Malone’s credit that he does so with rigorous scholarship and nuance. It’s not that Malone intends to defend or justify Jefferson’s actions at every turn, but rather he is getting to the bottom of what motivated Jefferson to take the actions he did; to get inside his mind and explain the subtleties within. Malone demonstrates unbelievable patience as he wades through these issues and it does require similar patience on the reader’s behalf to fully appreciate the material being presented. But the reward is well worth it.
Prior to this book I had not fully appreciated just how shocking Jefferson’s participation in the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions truly were (Jefferson drafted Kentucky’s). Here we have President Adams passing the Alien and Sedition Acts, threatening American citizens with fines, jail sentences, or even treason for uttering or printing the wrong sentiments against the U.S. government or the President himself. Meanwhile, we have the Vice President of the United States in the shadows drafting and disseminating official resolutions that reject the U.S. government’s authority (of which he is first in line to preside over!) to enforce these acts, which are therefore nullified by the states’ authority. And then to think that the very same author of those resolutions would become the President himself only two short years later! If ever America’s experiment in self-governance was at risk, it was at this moment.
October 22, 2011
This is the middle of a long series, and it is beginning to sprawl. Having set the stage for political conflict in tbe preceding volume, Dumas Malone turns his minute focus from foreign affairs to the ordering of the domestic political sphere. The universal unification of America under Washington has passed, and the bulk of this book is concerned with a detailed analysis of the splintering of factions, the creation of parties, and the debate of ideas. This was well foreshadowed in the first volume, but here, as there, we are ill-equipped to follow the debate. The rift between Republican and Federalist is now complete, but Malone's neglect of the precise nature of that rift is a handicap to the reader.
Jefferson, as usual, is a diehard advocate of individual liberty, a champion of free thought and civil tolerance. While Malone's treatment of his character is deservedly admiring, the opposition to Jefferson's proto-libertarianism is never clearly defined, which dims the limelight a bit. However, the portrait is solid and consistent, worthy of admiration in it's own right, if not in light of what it accomplished.
The opposition is equally well-recorded, replete with debates, votes, vetoes and filibusters. The political fights are startlingly familiar, and that shock of recognition is a valuable experience. The parallels need no belaboring, and Malone, writing from a distance of 4 decades, does none. But that pattern recognition is the truly worthwhile part of this chunk of Malone's history.
Even if, unfortunately, this continues to be a history at the expense of biography and character study, it is a thorough and intelligent one. The price to pay in ponderousness and lack of clarity is, I think, worthwhile.
Jefferson, as usual, is a diehard advocate of individual liberty, a champion of free thought and civil tolerance. While Malone's treatment of his character is deservedly admiring, the opposition to Jefferson's proto-libertarianism is never clearly defined, which dims the limelight a bit. However, the portrait is solid and consistent, worthy of admiration in it's own right, if not in light of what it accomplished.
The opposition is equally well-recorded, replete with debates, votes, vetoes and filibusters. The political fights are startlingly familiar, and that shock of recognition is a valuable experience. The parallels need no belaboring, and Malone, writing from a distance of 4 decades, does none. But that pattern recognition is the truly worthwhile part of this chunk of Malone's history.
Even if, unfortunately, this continues to be a history at the expense of biography and character study, it is a thorough and intelligent one. The price to pay in ponderousness and lack of clarity is, I think, worthwhile.
July 1, 2014
This review applies to the entire series, Jefferson and His Times.
Anyone who wants to understand a fraction of Jefferson, needs to start here. This work is the source that most academicians use. It is thorough and depends upon Jefferson's correspondence, editorials, reports, day books, conversations and memories. What more could you ever need? Heavily footnoted, this series puts to shame all other works on this great American. Some popular authors have written of Jefferson suggesting what he may have thought, or he may have done (Brody, anyone?) Malone is authoritative and needs not speculate. Read the series and then ask yourself, "Is it more likely than not that Jefferson fathered Sally Hemming's children?" I can only conclude that he did not. I remember when Clinton was president and, when incidents arose which questioned his fidelity, suddenly this old rumor became current. Someone interviewed the descendants of Hemmings and guess what? They all believed they were related to him! Isn't that peculiar? NO! What does a reasonable man expect them to say? Is it not more impressive to be part of a family that was sired by one of the greatest Americans or his philandering nephew, Peter Carr. All resurrected in the hope of distracting the American public from a current political scandal.
Anyone who wants to understand a fraction of Jefferson, needs to start here. This work is the source that most academicians use. It is thorough and depends upon Jefferson's correspondence, editorials, reports, day books, conversations and memories. What more could you ever need? Heavily footnoted, this series puts to shame all other works on this great American. Some popular authors have written of Jefferson suggesting what he may have thought, or he may have done (Brody, anyone?) Malone is authoritative and needs not speculate. Read the series and then ask yourself, "Is it more likely than not that Jefferson fathered Sally Hemming's children?" I can only conclude that he did not. I remember when Clinton was president and, when incidents arose which questioned his fidelity, suddenly this old rumor became current. Someone interviewed the descendants of Hemmings and guess what? They all believed they were related to him! Isn't that peculiar? NO! What does a reasonable man expect them to say? Is it not more impressive to be part of a family that was sired by one of the greatest Americans or his philandering nephew, Peter Carr. All resurrected in the hope of distracting the American public from a current political scandal.
December 30, 2016
Brilliantly written biography in a series of biographies by Dumas on Thomas Jefferson. HIGHLY recommend for anyone interested in the political history of our country. I'm on a quest to truly understand the details about how the United States was founded, why, and the personalities of the major players in that task. Will be posting about each of the biographies in this series, but cannot state emphatically enough how much I enjoy reading these over and over.
Each book sequentially covers a part of Jefferson's robust life. He was, as many know, not just an enormous influence in American history, but a prolific author and highly educated man. He was also very clinical about his beliefs in life and made no secret of his suspicion of religious ideals.
This would be an incredible summer reading series for someone in high school or college.
Each book sequentially covers a part of Jefferson's robust life. He was, as many know, not just an enormous influence in American history, but a prolific author and highly educated man. He was also very clinical about his beliefs in life and made no secret of his suspicion of religious ideals.
This would be an incredible summer reading series for someone in high school or college.
July 12, 2016
I set this one aside, and likely will wait at least a year before I try again. It just goes two or three layers deeper into what the author assumes to be the thought process of Jefferson and his colleagues in making so many decisions.
This might be appropriate for scholars working on their own post graduate degrees, but for the everyday reader, entirely too dense.
That's it. I did set it aside, and now I am being asked as a read in progress to comment. I just changed it to Read, though I have not read any more of it. Likely won't. Just too dense, too detailed and I miss the forrest for all the details of the individual trees.
This might be appropriate for scholars working on their own post graduate degrees, but for the everyday reader, entirely too dense.
That's it. I did set it aside, and now I am being asked as a read in progress to comment. I just changed it to Read, though I have not read any more of it. Likely won't. Just too dense, too detailed and I miss the forrest for all the details of the individual trees.
July 6, 2016
Though Malone's epic hateboner for Hamilton and the Federalists continues, this volume was more engaging than the last, which felt strident and oddly defensive, as though he were trying to justify unseemly behavior on the part of his hero. The sections treating on the architecture and renovation of Monticello were tedious, but it must be said that I have no interest in architecture beyond being safe in the knowledge that a building I'm about to enter isn't going to collapse around my ears; the sections on Jefferson's contributions to American parliamentary procedure, in contrast, were fascinating.
December 19, 2016
Book three of this six book series by Dumas Malone covers the last year of his life as Secretary of State, his brief retirement to Monticello, his years as Vice President, and his election to the Presidency. Nothing much happens in this book and I think this period of Jefferson's life could have been covered in half the pages. This is definitely the worst of Malone's books so far.
On to book four. It can only get better from here.
On to book four. It can only get better from here.
July 27, 2011
Thomas Jefferson: the driest forefather ever! The whole of this voluminous biography should be read by all Americans.
April 12, 2025
Covers Jefferson’s term as Vice President under John Adams & his campaign for President in 1800. Fascinating!
November 3, 2015
I'll review the entire work (6 volumes) once I finish. This volume was the third in the series.
February 9, 2008
white guy #3 vol 3
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