The East is Still Red - Chinese Socialism in the 21st Century

by Carlos Martínez, Danny Haiphong (Contributor)

Professor Radhika Desai (University of Manitoba; Convenor, International Manifesto Group): In a world gone beserk with US-incited rage against People's China; in a world where the bulk of Western scholarship has become so deeply compromised so as to yo-yo between the most tendentious anti-Chinese positions and confusion; in a world where the left has lost its ability to distinguish between imperialism and liberation; in a world that fails to understand just how world-changing have been the achievements of actually existing socialisms; Carlos Martinez shines the light of his crystal-clear prose and his acute political and scholarly insight on China's achievements, material, ecological, scientific and social. If you want to understand the most profound earthquake shaking up our world, read this book.
Dr Francisco Dominguez (Specialist on Latin American politics): This is a most welcome and timely book. In it, Carlos Martinez furnishes us with rigorous and illuminating analyses covering crucial features of socialist construction in China, essential, especially for Western audiences, to grasp its highly progressive nature. The penetrating discussion Martinez engages in, elegantly pierces through the thick fog of malicious and aggressive imperialist anti-China propaganda. A must for all those who wish to build a better and peaceful world.
Professor Roland Boer (Renmin University of China): In this important new book, Carlos Martinez sets out the case for the Western Left's resolute support of the socialist project in China. Based on in-depth research and written in an accessible style, the book will soon become an indispensable resource for anyone who wants to know the facts concerning China. Read it carefully, absorb its insights, and rectify your view of Chinese socialism! Professor Ken Hammond (New Mexico State University): Carlos Martinez's The East is Still Chinese Socialism in the 21st Century, brings together essays and commentaries from his recent writings on a wide range of issues, both historical and contemporary, concerning China's revolutionary path and its ongoing efforts to build a socialist future for the Chinese people. Recognizing the challenges inherent in this effort, and the obstacles being placed in China's way by American-led imperialism, Martinez clearly demonstrates that China remains committed to the revolutionary mission of creating a just and equitable social economy for itself and as part of the imperative work of addressing the challenges of global climate change. He rejects those voices which see China as a neoliberal member of the global capitalist order, and upholds the need to recognize China's achievements in eliminating absolute poverty and improving the lives of its people as well as in leading in the construction of a new international order outside the hegemonic domination of the United States and its allies. This is a most welcome contribution to the discourse about China on the Left, and for a broader audience of the politically engaged.
Elias Jabbour (Associate professor of theory and policy of economic planning at Rio de Janeiro State University's School of Economics; Co-author of 'Socialist Economic Development in the 21st A Century after the Bolshevik Revolution'): Carlos Martinez has excelled in defending frontier positions on the nature of the Chinese socioeconomic formation. In fact, it is very rare to find intellectuals with his argumentative power and intellectual sophistication. In this book, the reader will have access to a wide source of information and living theory necessary to understand China and its unique socialism. Carlos Martinez, great intellectual and friend, is an honourable exception among Marxists in the West. Marxism in the West depends heavily on the talent and creativity of people like Martinez

Genres: China, Politics, Nonfiction, History, Economics, Theory, Political Science

238 pages, Paperback

Published June 1, 2023

Reviews

[Adam · Rating 5 out of 5]

Carlos Martinez has achieved a clear, considered breakdown of China's socialism—considering economic and political theory, historical development, current institutions and policy, the impact on citizens, and international commitments to persuasively argue that, despite Western media cycles, China remains a beacon of socialism that the international left has failed to properly engage with (and, disgracefully, often mislabels as imperialist). I will say upfront here, before picking through this previous claim in more detail, that I think this is an excellent text that is well-researched, comprehensive, and deserves a wide audience. Below I look at the contents in depth.

Before I run through what the book does so well, and consider any gaps, I should go over the central thesis of the text, which I think is a vitally important and worthwhile one. Martinez seeks to roundly refute an idea pervasive in the West that China is no longer a socialist country, an idea rooted largely in US-allied media reporting following the reform and opening up period that commenced under Deng. This thesis is considered from multiple interesting angles throughout the text: ideological continuity across Mao and reform periods; the influence of the USSR's collapse; anti-poverty measures; the Western media blitz; the US's New Cold War; the environment. Importantly, the idea that elements of capitalist economy being present disproves socialism is thoroughly rebuffed.

Let's start with this last claim, since it is likely the main objection that most readers will have to China's socialist status. Surely the many capitalist elements of China's economy, not to mention the presence of billionaires, is antithetical to a socialist project? Before directly addressing this, lets look, as Martinez does, to political theory and historical context.

The Chinese Communist Party (CPC) are very clear on how they are shaped by the work of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and others who highlight the importance of productive forces to the equal distribution of high living standards in a communist state. That means, in short, that communism requires a level of productive development that was far, far out of the reach of the People's Republic of China (PRC) for most of its existence. In fact, when it was founded, it was one of the poorest nations on earth thanks to the infamous "century of humiliation"—a period of intense imperialist and capitalist predation that greatly exacerbated dire ecological circumstances, leading to tens of millions of deaths in famines and many more millions of excess deaths in none famine years, accompanied by the destruction or plundering centuries worth of development. It is hard to truly capture the extent of this destruction and the vast human misery and death toll that it caused—for more on this I recommend Late Victorian Holocausts by Mike Davis to understand the scale and big picture (Davis possesses a level of ecological awareness I've found rare in historians, and which is vital to truly understanding the events), and What Remains by Tobie Meyer-Fong or the excellent History in Three Keys by Paul Cohen (this one will require a bit of prior knowledge to get the most from) to understand the level of human suffering and misery that the CPC inherited.

How best to build socialism with this level of poverty and suffering? Due to an environment of international hostility (including the Sino-Soviet split), Mao had no choice: China must try and build it alone. This first period of development met many successes, but also considerable failures—infamously including the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution, which Martinez does a good job of quickly outlining (the latter was recognised by the CPC in 1981 as the "most severe setback and the heaviest losses suffered by the Party" since the PRC's founding). By the time of Mao's death China had managed to greatly improve standards of living, but failed to improve its economy at a speed which could withstand capitalist pressure, so Deng, taking advantage of more favourable international conditions, and influenced by seeing the struggles of the USSR, helped initiate the reform and opening up period whereby elements of capitalism were carefully introduced.

The aims? To more quickly improve living standards, to grow the size of the pie as quick as possible (even at risk of rising inequality) to finally eradicate absolute poverty, to gain access to the industrial knowledge of the countries that had historically denied China its own industrial revolution, and to avoid missing out on the technological revolution taking place. For these ends, China opened itself up to world markets and companies. So how could China still be socialist? The introduction of these forces was done gradually and with utmost care, with an immovable boundary drawn around them to deny the emergent capitalist class any political power. The central political structure—the dictatorship of the proletariat, and the complex democratic apparatus that entailed, whereby people participate at every level of government and are consulted directly on policy—would not be shifted. Heavy industry, energy, transport, communication, foreign trade, and banking all remained firmly in state control. Many of the most successful companies are SOEs, meaning they are not nationalised but are majority state owned, allowing the government to bend their activities to fit national development goals. Companies that traded with China had to do so on China's terms, meaning they were required to share knowledge, provide training, and assist in development. With all of this China would complete its own industrial and technological revolution in a mere fraction of the time any capitalist country ever managed (Deng referred to a "latecomers advantage").

Looking at the above summary of China's and political model, justified by the CPC through historical circumstance (a developed Western country, for example, would not need to undergo that process as part of its own communist revolution), we can disprove many claims made about China being capitalist. The vital question that should follow is, what does this socialism, Socialism with Chinese Characteristics, mean for the people of China and their future? Martinez has heaps of references here, and the picture is clear: to quote the UN Secretary General, the path the PRC have navigated in China is nothing short of "the greatest anti-poverty achievement in history". Life expectancy in the PRC had increased by more than 31 years by the time Mao died (a statistic that includes the impact of the disastrous Great Leap Forward and Cultural revolution, helping to explain why Mao still enjoys popularity and respect in China), and has continued to rise at a slower rate after the reform period to now be higher than the US. Less than a percent of the world population now live in a country with higher life expectancy than China. Absolute poverty, along with homelessness, has been effectively eradicated, and in their efforts to tackle poverty generally the CPC have now mobilised almost a million community workers to enact their policy of "Two Assurances and Three Guarantees"; namely, that everyone has access to adequate food and clothing, medical services, safe housing with drinking water and electricity, and at least nine years of free education—a much more comprehensive and humanitarian perspective on what poverty means than the world bank poverty line of earning $1.90 a day. These are achievements that any Western country could do with much more ease (UK homelessness, for example, could effortlessly be eradicated overnight were there political will to challenge the landlord class), and yet only socialist countries are performing them.

As China continues its march towards ending poverty, the economic question has changed. A common criticism of the international left has long been whether such anti-poverty efforts justify the rise of inequality and billionaires. In this criticism, the international left is lagging behind the CPC. In 2021, Xi Xinping declared a new direction as the modern strength of the Chinese economy allows it to enter the next stage of its socialist path: "We cannot allow the gap between rich and poor to continue growing... We cannot permit the wealth gap to become an unbridgeable gulf... We must be proactive about narrowing the gaps between regions, between urban and rural areas, and between rich and poor people".

Is there cause to believe him? The current targets are for inequality to be meaningfully reduced by 2025 (the end of the 14th five-year plan), fully equitable access to public services by 2035, and the achievement of "common prosperity" by 2049. Is there any reason to believe this possible? Besides China's staggering record at doing what it says it will do (even anti-China press in the US has had to acknowledge that, unlike the liberal democracies that deride it, China has met or nearly met every single promise it has made to the international community), you need look no further than its actions since this declaration. Profiteering in the private education sector (an immense industry) has been ended; measures to tackle exploitation through gaming and gambling addictions have been imposed; stricter rent controls have been enforced; a slew of new labour laws have been passed to protect the rights of workers in the "gig economy", after which tech companies were forced to issue new contracts to all of their gig workers, including insurance being provided through state-run insurers; Trade Union laws revised to promote, ease, and encourage the unionisation of gig workers; the expansion of state control in various sectors and further limitations on capitalist growth. Is this enough? No. Is it a start greater than in any capitalist country? Yes. In this same time period, western liberalism has seen massive increases in inequality and poverty, with life expectancies stalling or falling while corporations rake in unprecedented profits.

Next, Martinez turns to the news about China that readers will be most familiar with: accusations of imperialism, authoritarianism, and genocide. This section is particularly thorough, given the severity of the accusations and the influence they have (as previously mentioned, in the developed world even committed socialists echo the US Department of Defence, a mistake not made as easily by socialists in the developing world that have experienced real imperialism). Accusations about the Belt and Road Initiative—Xi Xinping's flagship foreign policy initiative intended to break the global domination of the US by better connecting global markets and breaking the dependency much of the "third world" has been trapped in by the IMF and World Bank—are dismissed region by region. In short, the idea of Chinese "debt traps" is a counterfactual myth; Chinese loans are popular precisely because they offer half the interest rates of the West and come with none of the strict stipulations of austerity that are used to foster neo-colonialism. It is worth noting that here that, unlike Western loans, Chinese loans and support directly contributes to the sovereignty and national self-sufficiency of the countries it goes to, with 40% of funding going to energy production and 30% going towards infrastructure—all while China has shown a consistent willingness to forgive debt where necessary. China's "aggression" in the South China sea is analysed, proving in short that it is the US that is intentionally militarising the region, escalating tensions, re-igniting dormant disputes, misrepresenting China's threat level, and carrying out needless "freedom of navigation" patrols despite not a single case of navigation freedom being affected by China in an area that sees over 100,000 vessels passing through annually. Clearly a country is performing aggressive military expansionism, and it isn't China.

Claims of genocide in Xinxiang are rightfully given the largest appraisal, given the overwhelming domination of such accusations in news cycles. Martinez investigates the origin of such claims, finding, unsurprisingly, that all link back the US Department of Defence. Adrien Zenz is the first person to conjure up the oft-cited figure of 1 million in concentration camps (a number surely easily provable in a region with a population of 13 million), and it is him that almost every story on Xinjian uses as evidence. Who is he? He's a born-again Christian who has written books about the evil of homosexuality, employed by the far-right think-tank the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation, created by the US Congress to further their foreign policy aims. Besides Zenz, the main sources are an Australian think-tank (ASPI) mainly funded by the US Department of Defence, and the Newlines Institute, whose leadership is comprised of US military advisors and ex-employees of infamous "shadow CIA" spying company Stratfor. The guy who led the Uyghur report for the Newlines Institute? Adrien Zenz.

Once the insidious origins of the genocide claims have been investigated—which again, all fail to provide any evidence of any of their claims (the closest any get is providing satellite footage of a regular prison)—Martinez looks at actual policy in Xinjian, what its living conditions are like, and what foreign ambassadors have to say. In Xinjiang, life expectancy has leapt up by 30 years, in line with the rest of China; minority languages and cultures are promoted and taught in school; thousands of texts are printed in the Uyghur language, with even banknotes having five languages on them (Chinese, Tibetan, Uyghur, Mongolian, and Zhuang); there are over 25,000 mosques, one of the highest mosques per capita figure in the world; the Uyghur population increased 25% from 2010-2018, with birth rates declining slightly now due to general lessening of patriarchal controls of women as more enter education and the workforce; popular religious schools engaged in international discourse; and a steady stream of diplomats, officials, and journalists visiting every year. In fact, the only Muslim member of the UN to support America's claims of genocide is Albania (a NATO member), and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation voted 37-1 in supporting China against such claims. There is no evidence of a single one of the refugee camps that would likely pop-up around Xinjiang's borders in the case of a genocide. Claims have been fuelled in part by China's education effort in the region, which have an anti-terrorism focus due to the rise of terror groups such as ETIM (linked to Western activity promoting terrorism in the middle east and central Asia), but these schools are far from concentration camps—representing attempts to operate within the framework of international law and best practice, China follows the UN 'Plan of Action to Prevent Violent Extremism', and provides an educational focus on sociology and ethics while providing marketable skills to ensure upward mobility, supports in obtaining standard of living increases, and aids the equitable integration of potentially vulnerable groups into society in order to undermine terrorist activities. Far from US claims, which shamefully diminish the suffering of real genocides, these efforts have been praised by the international community.

The final argument of great interest to me is China's environmental and ecological policy, to which Martinez devote a large and well-referenced chapter. Again, we see an immeasurable gulf between reality and the claims of the US military-industrial complex. While many will be familiar with the argument that we can't tackle climate change while China is doing so much polluting, the reality is that China has been an internationally recognised and lauded leader of global sustainability for a decade now, with safe and sustainable ecologies being an official central priority of the CPC since 2014, when Xi Xinping forcefully emphasised "We will never again seek economic growth at the cost of the environment". The reality is that China has undergone an industrial and technical revolution in just over 30 years (a feat that took well over 300 years here in England!), and this did result in large amounts of pollution—as recently as 2007, just over 80% of Chinese energy was supplied by coal. Even with this development however, China (a country with 13% of the world population) is responsible for only 18% of the cumulative greenhouse gases in the atmosphere, which the US (with only 4% of the world population) is responsible for a full 25%. This statistic is doubly staggering when you consider that the US, like the rest of the Western world, has actively obscured much of its pollution by moving its industries and its waste to the developing world. Looking past the immense hypocrisy of this, what is China doing about the environmental crisis? Time for another big semicolon list! Over 100 coal plant plans have been scrapped, with BRICs refusing to fund coal plant abroad; remaining coal plants have been refitted to be much cleaner; it has become the world leader in wind and solar installation, electric vehicle production, batteries, hydro, nuclear, ground heat pumps, grid transmission, reforestation efforts, and green hydrogen; many of its cities have fully electric bus fleets and much cleaner air, and regions have been connected intensively with high speed rail—massively cutting the need for flights. China's ecological efforts are unparalleled, and impossible to imagine happening under capitalism. To quote Martinez, "Humanity has done almost nothing in the face of a global existential crisis, and the reason is simply that the dominant economic system in the world is capitalism" (p. 152). In the same period, the West has failed almost every one of its climate pledges, and, in order to undermine Russian energy profits, much of Europe has been pressured by the US to turn to coal or fracking.

In summary, China deserves support from the international left. To be clear, this support should be critical. Anti-inequality measures, though successful, should be more aggressive, censorship should be lifted, and LGBT-rights are in dire need of comprehensive state program to change current attitudes and allow media representation. These latter two issues are notable absences of the text in my opinion, that should be urgently rectified in a second edition.

[Siyang Wei · Rating 5 out of 5]

a lot of things i already kind of knew but seeing it all laid out so methodically.... absolutely essential reading!

[Brayden Raymond · Rating 5 out of 5]

A well researched account of how Socialism with Chinese Characteristics is quickly overtaking the west. The author tackles several of the modern criticisms that western nations and media lob at the PRC these days with well researched skill. Often citing reports by sources that are respected by the West that would seek to proclaim to the contrary (i.e Belt and Road Initiative ). What I found particularly interesting and exciting is the section that discusses the PRCs rapid shift to a green economy and transition from fossil fuels. Exciting to learn how a nation that just turned 75 (and catches insane flak for being a major polluter despite being at a lower per capita emissions rate than the US) is quickly surpassing other nations in their efforts.

In short - I will keep this one close at hand for future reference. Especially given the great suggested reading section contained at the end, as well as the detailed footnotes throughout.

[Jamie Bookboy Fitzpatrick · Rating 5 out of 5]

Carlos is immensely talented. China is so inspiring dawg.

[Evan Streeby · Rating 5 out of 5]

A thorough, educated work on the China’s socialist government from and its leadership in wake of the disasters capitalism and climate change are causing. If you want to break through western racist propaganda and read about a solution-based governing approach and the challenges its surmounting, this is your book.

[Victor Lopez · Rating 4 out of 5]

A very convincing case for modern Chinese Socialism. One thing that would have definitely made the book a stronger case would have been a more in depth critique of the media coverage of what's going on in Xinjiang. Overall, though, one of the good primers along with Roland Boer's Socialism with Chinese Characteristics book.

[Jackson Ciolfi · Rating 5 out of 5]

Americans must unite and oppose the New Cold War against China our leaders are dead set on pursuing to the detriment of the world.

[Sam · Rating 5 out of 5]

A fantastic book which I think should be read by everyone, though of course many would remain in denial. Martinez’s work is succinct, well-sourced and hugely convincing. As someone who is firmly a socialist and believes communism should be the ultimate goal of humanity at this moment, this book didn’t surprise me much, but it was good to see such a thorough defence, and also appropriate critique, of the PRC. I’d like to think this book would be hugely valuable in the hands of those on the left who sit more in the democratic socialist camp and still struggle to see through the deluge of Western propaganda, or even those who aren’t too well-versed in the subject but don’t particularly lean either way politically.

[Zach · Rating 5 out of 5]

A well cited and argued case for supporting the ongoing socialist project in China, opposing the encroaching new cold war, and rebuffing a number of arguments against China, including an honest analysis of the successes and failures of the Great Leap Forwards, the Cultural Revolution, and opening up and reform of Deng's era and beyond.

Vital reading for any communist and important take-aways to bring into the trade union, anti-imperialist, and proletarian struggle.

[Craig Johnson · Rating 3 out of 5]

pretty cover but not very good, idk I feel like people on here just give a 5 to anything they nod their head to while reading but I was hoping for a little more meat. I think it's a good basic overview, probably just not for me specifically

[Carlos · Rating 5 out of 5]

This is a well documented book about how the Chinese socialist system works and how the western democracies try hard to undermine its achievements over the years by the spread of anti Chinese propaganda.

[Bakari · Rating 5 out of 5]

I like how "The East Is Still Red" argues that China continues to be a developing socialist country by emphasizing the state's control over key economic sectors and its commitment to socialist principles. The book highlights that despite private capital, the Chinese economy is largely directed by the state, which maintains control over critical areas like heavy industry, energy, and finance. While private production is encouraged to support modernization and employment, the state sets the fundamental economic agenda.

The book also points out China's significant social progress, such as doubling life expectancy and achieving near-universal literacy since 1949. China's approach to socialism uniquely blends market mechanisms with state guidance, ensuring that capital does not become politically dominant. This strategy aims to develop productive forces while maintaining a socialist path.

Additionally, the book discusses China's efforts to build an ecological civilization and its alignment with the Global South, positioning itself as a counterbalance to Western neoliberalism.

I wish however that Carlos had responded to leftist criticism of China, which argues that the existence of billionaires contradicts the claim of socialism, suggesting wealth is being extracted from workers and concentrated among the wealthy.

Left-wing critics of China concentrate on a orthodox understanding of socialism, overlooking the need for a socialist economy focused on boosting productivity, global capitalist competition, and addressing the difficulties of establishing an economy based on the practical application of labor and capital rather than need. I could be wrong about that, but the issues are important discussions and debates that the left need to have.


*My Analysis of China's Path to Socialism*

To confidently support the notion that China is on a socialist path, further reading and study are indeed necessary. "The East is Still Red" provides several quotes from Chinese leaders, both past and present, asserting that China aims to achieve full socialism by 2049. This aligns with the Chinese Communist Party's centenary goal of building a "great modern socialist country" that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, harmonious, and beautiful by the centenary of the PRC’s founding in 2049.

However, the concept of "common prosperity," a key political goal for President Xi Jinping, focuses on wealth redistribution and improving the well-being of all citizens. While it emphasizes reducing wealth disparities, it does not directly address the collective ownership of the means of production, which is a fundamental aspect of traditional socialism. Critics argue that significant capitalist elements, such as private enterprises and income inequality, suggest a deviation from orthodox socialist principles.

The coexistence of state-owned enterprises and private companies, along with the influence of market mechanisms, shows a complex economic model that some describe as state capitalism. This model integrates with global capitalism while maintaining state control over strategic sectors, which can be seen as contrary to the socialist ideal of collective ownership and economic equality.

In summary, while China's leadership articulates a vision of socialism, the practical implementation involves a blend of socialist and capitalist elements. This nuanced approach raises questions about the true nature of China's economic system and its alignment with socialist ideals. It would be great to hear Carlos debate these criticisms.

[Jon · Rating 5 out of 5]

Top 3 best books I’ve read this year. An incredible in-depth analysis on China’s socialist journey and how it is maintaining its core mission from 1949 to today. Points out Western hypocrisy, and debunks many anti-China myths, while still holding the CPC to a rigorous standard. All must read.

[lukas · Rating 4 out of 5]

mám pocit že táto kniha bola zväčša sykofantstvo a nehovorila dosť o governance ale veľa o ekonomických úspechoch, moc neodporúčam, sú lepšie knihy o tomto

[Mykolas Yamakaitis · Rating 5 out of 5]

Really well structured, very informative, and doesn’t assume past knowledge. Super easy to understand. Highly recommend.

[Zeke · Rating 5 out of 5]

excellent content. the writing is pretty good but the author repeats himself a lot which is understandable sometimes but slightly annoying. valuable information about chinese socialism for anyone interested and step by step dismantling of western arguments against it

[Aidan · Rating 5 out of 5]

A succinct and exhaustively researched exploration of modern Chinese politics.

While I've always been sympathetic to anti-revisionist critiques of the CPC and its decision to liberalize the Chinese market, this book has given me a much greater understanding on both the reasoning behind the change and how it's actually bolstered Chinese socialism rather than eclipsed it. I still regard the new Chinese billionaire class with a lot of disapproval; however, the CPC seems reassuringly in charge.

Though it's not the focus of the book, I really appreciated the brief overview of the Chinese Revolution in its early stages. It expanded on several aspects that I previously have been meaning to explore more, the Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution especially. Great if, like me, you aren't too familiar with the construction of socialism in the PRC.

Importantly, this book makes great efforts to dispel the libelous rumours that the U.S. and its allies repeat ad nauseum with little-to-no evidence. Martínez definitively debunks the Uyghur "Genocide" myth, destroys the accusation that China is not meeting its climate commitments and explains the sinister resurgence of McCarthyism in the West.

I would recommend everyone read this, communist or no. In a world increasingly shaped by the New Cold War, it's important to understand the role China is playing from a multitude of different views. Ultimately, the People's Republic of China is showing that socialism *is* possible in a post-Soviet world. I'm glad that amongst the squawking of a relentless bourgeois press, books like this exist.

[Becks · Rating 5 out of 5]

It's the easiest and most enjoyable book on Chinese socialism I have read so far. :)

[⭕ slt · Rating 3 out of 5]

a brief review of the Chinese Revolution and its achievements. Full of numbers and statistics.
Sometimes I thought it was a bit too "pro-Chinese" but the author did a good job supporting its claims about China with tons of numbers and references.
I was skeptical of China's socialism. after reading this, think I'm more open to considering China's system a Red one.

[Maitiú · Rating 5 out of 5]

The East is still red:

Repeats himself a lot, uses the same quotes multiple times.

Interesting analysis of the opening up of the Chinese economy, with the allowance of private sector capital into the economy some would say that the CPC is no longer following Marxism- Leninism. However, this is a simplistic view of a socialist economy. Private capital can have a place, especially for rapid industrialization but this does come along with a rise in inequality. As long as private capital doesn’t become the dominant production force and has a tight leash kept on it, the dictatorship of the proletariat remains in place.

Xi Jinping, compared to the last two general secretaries of the CPC seems to understand Marxist theory much better. He’s vocal about Chinese socialism and has even introduced “Xi Jinping thought” into the constitution. It is however hard to believe him given the people he keeps close, with Li Qiang (Premier) being extremely pro private capital and stating that he wishes there were more billionaires. Close family members have gained extreme wealth.

Overall, as my first delve into Chinese socialism I thought this was a great introduction and covered briefly the historical context for the formation of the state and its evolution.

4.5/5

[Ishaan Kumar · Rating 2 out of 5]

Book was so controversial to what I know that I don't know if I'm equipped to give a rating. Feel like ventured many times into tankie territory, but some parts about economy, climate, and general history pretty amazing. Felt he was making the same mistake he accused chomsky of some times. But what do I know. Would recommend, but don't know where I stand on it. Maybe one day I'll give it a rating when I make up my mind. It's either 5* or 2*

Kk I decided it's 2* - didn't take long. Great sections on the overall modern Chinese economy, but can't excuse tankieness. Barring tankieness would be a 5*

[flora · Rating 5 out of 5]

informative, based, and a wonderful read. basically demolished the US in this book and calls out US's hypocrisy and dirtiness! i am not a CCP supporter, but i can say that the endless jealousy and demonization of China that the West has created is detrimental to the world and esp. to the Chinese population. we've seen this happen before with the Middle East as well (with the US creating Islamophobic propaganda and making the Middle East seemingly be the bad guys). the US has an agenda and the author argues that China goes against imperialism and it is the US that is the imperialist country. so true!

[Donal · Rating 5 out of 5]

An instant and indispensable classic of modern politics exploring the deeply held views of China's political establishment, how it has survived during an unprecedented imperial bombardment and how it is set to lead the world on every major issue facing it this century.

[Alexander Morozov · Rating 4 out of 5]

I kinda liked it, it's easy to read and provides lots of food for thought. But it's very obviously a propaganda piece, not bad but partiality just flows from the pages. There are some omissions (like no mention of Sino-Vietnam war or support of Khmer Rouge) and references are mostly to party officials or other "non-scientific" articles and books. I tried to check the most dubious stuff online and most of it seems to be true.
Excellent book if you wish to know what kind of stuff China is currently into.

[Aisha · Rating 5 out of 5]

Essential reading. Make up your own mind about China--its socialist character, its national ambitions, its domestic record. Just don't do it without reading this book first.

[Ben Leigh · Rating 5 out of 5]

Absolutely essential. Totally spun my worldview on it’s head, reaffirmed my faith that there is an alternative to global capitalist hegemony, and challenged some of the falsehoods about China that are drilled into us here in the west.
If you want to be on the right side of history when capitalism collapses, read this.

*26/06/25 edit - following further reading, I am much less optimistic about the claims laid in this book, and feel as though some of the content of this book is deceitful and draws on historic falsehoods, particularly with regard it’s to apologism towards Mao and Deng. ‘China: From Permanent Revolution to Counter-revolution’ is an incredibly well-researched book that explains the inherent contradictions of China’s claim of being a modern socialist state by examining China’s troubled history as it leads to and shapes China’s policy to the present day.
On reflection, some aspects of ‘The East is still Red’ smack of misinformation and deception, particularly regarding the chapter attempting to revise the narrative relating to the Uyghur Muslims living in Xinjiang province.
My naivety upon my initial read of ‘The East is Still Red’ has served as a valuable lesson of the role of critical appraisal of ALL political and philosophical perspectives, regardless of their slant.

[Simon · Rating 5 out of 5]

Enjoyed reading this book so much. Extremely informative and gives one hope for a brighter, and socialist, future - led by China.

If you are critical of capitalism, western liberalism and/or the US, this book will help you put things into place.

[João Nunes · Rating 5 out of 5]

4,5 I never thought that a book taking the form of "Chinese Myths Debunked" would be so good.
I always believe that when a vast array of topics is covered a certain amount of depth has to be sacrificed and those readers that are acquainted with the content will get nothing more than a reminder.
It's not the case here. The way Carlos connects every chapter - the pace, the writing, and the vast knowledge shown when discussing each topic connecting many different issues makes this read essential even to well-versed readers and beginners.
I particularly like that almost every time China is mentioned as a solution to the problem, it's also explained how it was a problem or "the problem" before being the solution. This shows that when Marxists analyze reality, they also analyze contradictions, making us more honest readers of events, but in this regard, I have something more to say.
Why am I giving it a 4,5? After some years of living in China, I see many antagonistic contradictions in the first person, and these if not tackled by the CCP yet at least have to be addressed by people like Carlos in books like this.
We can't talk about the victories of socialism without the excesses of liberalization during the Deng era, as we can't talk about today's victories of socialism as absolute because extreme poverty was lifted (and every other example that is wonderfully narrated in this work). When writing something like this the normalization of the 6/7-weekday working schedule, the 12-hour working schedule, the moral degradation of some jobs, the incapacity of the precarious workers to get any help from the ACFTU, what trainees get, etc. has to be issued.
I don't want to delve deeply into these issues because it's not the right place to do it, and after all, it's just something that I think is missing in this book, I'm quite sure Carlos is acquainted with the problem either. But just assuming that China is a country under development is not enough, if you look around at how modern everything is (even in smaller and lesser-known cities) it doesn't look that way.
Addressing these issues is paramount if we want to believe in a socialist state (as I want to) capable of giving us hope for the future in a sinking world.
I'm looking forward to reading more of Carlos's books

[Sam · Rating 5 out of 5]

An illuminating tool in the battle against the Malthusian, Sinophobic and McCarthyite ideological apparatus manoeuvring against the world’s most populous country in the New Cold War.

Covering from how “Socialism with Chinese characteristics is socialism, not any other “ism””… How the PRC, under the leadership of the CPC, have [perhaps] already given us the means to save the world in the fight against climate change and how this could not have been possible under a floundering, complacent and profit-obsessed capitalist system… How the US-led New Cold War is not only futile but endangers us all… And the necessity of a multipolar world to draw a close on a century characterised by ‘my way or the highway’, that is, CIA-backed coup d'état of Communist, Anti-Colonial, Anti-Apartheid and National Liberation governments/movements in the third world who’s fundamental crime was to dare swim against a tide of a world governed by Imperialist and Colonial forces.

The book closes with the following passage from a speech given by Xi Jinping at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations, March 23, 2013.

“All countries, irrespective of size, strength and wealth, are equal. The right of the people to independently choose their development paths should be respected, interference in the internal affairs of other countries opposed, and international fairness and justice maintained. Only the wearer of the shoes knows if they fit or not. Only the people can best tell if the development path they have chosen for their country is suitable or not.”

[Lin · Rating 2 out of 5]

If Martínez was looking to simply write a book refuting the excesses of Western propaganda against China, he would surely succeed.

His discussions of the South China Sea dispute, discourse around Tibet and Xinjiang, alongside his rebuttal against certain Western leftists claiming that Chinese capital is an equivalent pole to Western imperialism, are relevant and strong. This is where he shines through the most. It is also, unfortunately, where his sharp writing finds itself relevant.

Martínez, like so many other in the Tricontinental-adjacent milieu (people like Prashad and PSL-aligned Marxist-Leninists), finds himself laying out the contradictions of the Chinese system as a whole without providing a particularly strong case on why it accounts for a class-based socialism.

There is not much particular discussion about the ways in which the working class exercise power in a 'dictatorship of the proletariat' (the term barely comes up in the book at all), a sober analysis of how commodity production shifted from Mao to reform-and-opening up, or even on why, for how much productive forces China has built, it's inability to flex that in it's foreign policy.

It's not a particularly *bad* book, I want to reiterate. But it can feel like a dishonest one-- the continuities of the Chinese Revolution to the present day are emphasized, and the (very visible, very painful) breaks from it feel purposefully underexplored. While I hope Martínez nothing but the best, this book left me frankly disappointed.