MP3 CD Format America is the first country in history to fund the rise of its rivals. We need to stop now, before it's too late. One of the most consequential U.S. Trade Representatives in our history, Robert Lighthizer led a great reset of American trade policy that has endured across Administrations. For more than 40 years, he litigated, negotiated, and editorialized against the failed policies of one-sided free trade as part of both the Reagan and Trump administrations and as a private lawyer. As Trade Representative, he fought against globalists, importers, lobbyists, foreign governments and big businesses whose interests diverged from those of the American workers. For decades, unbalanced "free" trade was the preferred option for the most powerful in Washington, and millions of ordinary Americans paid the price. Instead of prioritizing healthy American communities, good jobs, higher wages, and a promising future for our workers, Washington too often cared more about corporate profits, cheap imports and the concerns of foreign governments, including the Chinese. In return, we got cheaper coffee makers and tee shirts, while thousands of factories closed, wages stagnated, communities deteriorated, economic inequality rose in our country, and we racked up trillions of dollars in trade deficits. Part memoir, part history, and part policy analysis , No Trade is Free tells the story of how America found itself at this point and how the Trump administration took on the orthodoxy of the trade establishment, with astonishing results. With in-depth character sketches of some of the most important leaders of our time--from Donald Trump, to Xi Jinping, to Nancy Pelosi, to Andrés Manuel López Obrador--Lighthizer explains how trade negotiations actually work and why leverage is the key to success--no trade is free. This book is a wake-up call to our politicians, thought leaders, but most importantly, everyday Americans. It presents the case against the policies that have weakened America and left our families and communities behind. It argues for a worker-focused trade policy. It tells the story of our fight for every American job and how for the first time, a US administration took on China. But most importantly, it is a guide to the new world economy--one which will require a worker-focused trade policy.
Una obra esencial para comprender la perspectiva de Estados Unidos sobre el comercio internacional, especialmente bajo la administración de Donald Trump. Lighthizer critica las políticas de libre comercio que han permitido a países como China y otros obtener ventajas a expensas de los trabajadores estadounidenses.
Lighthizer argumenta que estas políticas han llevado al cierre de fábricas y al estancamiento de salarios en Estados Unidos, mientras que otros países no cumplen con los mismos estándares ecológicos y laborales. Esta situación crea una competencia desleal, ya que las empresas extranjeras pueden operar con menores costos debido a condiciones laborales pobres y prácticas no sostenibles, mientras que las empresas estadounidenses deben cumplir con normas estrictas. Hay otros temas de propiedad industrial que no aplican mucho para México.
Implicaciones para México
Para las empresas mexicanas, es crucial adaptarse a estos estándares para evitar conflictos comerciales con Estados Unidos. Adoptar prácticas sostenibles y asegurar buenas condiciones laborales puede posicionar a las empresas mexicanas como socios confiables y justos. Esto es especialmente relevante en el contexto de las tensiones comerciales entre Estados Unidos y China, donde México puede beneficiarse de la relocalización de empresas (reshoring/nearshoring).
Conclusión
Lighthizer destaca la necesidad de políticas comerciales que prioricen la balanza comercial, protejan los empleos en Estados Unidos y beneficien a los trabajadores y comunidades locales. Para México, esto significa alinear sus prácticas empresariales con los intereses estratégicos de Estados Unidos y asegurar un futuro económico próspero mediante la implementación de estándares ecológicos y laborales adecuados. La capacidad de negociar los ajustes a los tratados comerciales también será crucial para mantener y fortalecer esta relación bilateral.
En resumen, "There’s No Free Trade" no solo critica las políticas de libre comercio actuales, que Trump no tuvo tiempo de cambiar completamente en sus cuatro años de mandato, sino que también ofrece una guía estratégica para países como México y empresas que necesiten adaptarse para cumplir y ser los socios comerciales y aliados indiscutibles de Estados Unidos, el mercado más grande del mundo y el país más poderoso.
Robert Lighthizer's book, penned by the former US Trade Representative under Donald Trump, delves into his views on the challenges that both the US and the international trade system are currently facing.
Although I don’t fully align with his strategies and goals, he raises some valid arguments. For starters, the importance of a nation's manufacturing sector extends beyond just economics – it's vital for job creation and for fostering a sense of accomplishment and identity amongst the populace. It's clear that over the last two decades, America's standing in manufacturing and trade has slipped amidst globalization, accompanied by some domestic problems. Furthermore, the World Trade Organization (WTO) and various international trade deals are not without their issues. The US's drive to mend and reverse these trends has some merit.
Yet, when diving into Lighthizer's book, there's a disconnect between the problems he points out, the solutions he suggests, and his underlying motives. Often, his positions seem at odds with each other.
The author frequently attributes many of America's societal problems to free global trade, particularly casting China and other countries as the culprits. He blames the decline in US manufacturing and persistent trade deficits for the nation's employment issues and other domestic difficulties. However, he neglects the substantial long-term benefits that globalization has provided to American businesses and the finance industry, lacking a balanced viewpoint. The challenges he points out are often deep-rooted and require more than mere blame; they call for proactive leadership.
It is quite an oversimplification to attribute the rising racial, economic, religious, and political divisions, as well as the increasing partisan conflict and the alarming rise of "deaths of despair," solely to global trade. Basic economic principles have not changed: addressing issues like wealth inequality and the necessity for redistribution are governmental responsibilities, but redistributing wealth from the affluent to the working class is a complex task. Globalization has indeed enriched the US, as evidenced by GDP growth and other economic indicators, but the gains have predominantly benefited the elite and financial systems. The US government's role in this issue has been its hesitancy to enact policies that effectively address wealth and job redistribution.
Furthermore, while Lighthizer endorses Reagan's "America First" ideology and pragmatic protectionism, he criticizes nations such as China, Japan, and the EU for their protectionist trade policies. This seems hypocritical. The trade surpluses these countries maintain with the US are not solely a product of their mercantilism; the propensity for American consumerism is a significant factor, with US household consumption consistently leading the global rankings.
Lighthizer also contends that allowing China into the WTO was a mistake. Yet, it is questionable whether excluding China in 2000 would have altered the course of events significantly. Such a move might have isolated the US from one of the world's largest labor forces and manufacturing hubs, potentially hastening the decline of industries such as pharmaceuticals domestically.
I recognize that as China's influence grows, it may clash with US interests, but this is a common dynamic among major global players, including Japan, India, Russia, the EU, or Canada. This is particularly apparent in his stance on Japan; when Japan's GDP seemed poised to overtake the US, he heavily criticized its economic policies. Yet, when Japan's economic downturn meant it no longer posed a threat, he dismissed these concerns and portrayed Japan as a valued ally.
Setting these issues aside, I do believe that revitalizing manufacturing in the US is a wise decision, though for different reasons than the author's protectionist inclinations. It is a prudent move, especially as we prepare for the future role of AI in industry. AI has the potential to revolutionize production by reducing labor costs and addressing scaling challenges, making domestic production increasingly feasible for the US. As AI becomes more integrated into manufacturing, the incentive to offshore for cheaper labor will decrease, thereby keeping more jobs and innovation within the US.
Well written... and generally agrees with my opinion on classical economics and trade theory.
The author argues for a break away from the path dependence (in terms of historical policies, trade agreements and classical economic theories).
The author asks questions such as: Why should a country continue to open up its market to imports if it will lead to significant job loss for its citizens? Or if it does not get equity in market access.
Classical economic models suggests comparative advantage will balance and lead to more effective production across industries and countries. However, classical economists also assumes away too many variables that play very important roles.
While I do not completely agree with the methods by which the authors calculate trade data… particularly regarding the blind eye to the service economy, I do agree that countries shouldn't continue to adopt policies because economic theories and historical trade agreements say we should.
The author argues that for policies and the revisions of trade agreements that benefit the people we are serving.
A timely and relevant book outlining President-elect Trump's view on foreign trade as told by a key member of his trade team. Robert Lighthizer outlines the history of the U.S.'s trade philosophies from the end of WWII to present day thoughts and thoughts for the future. While we have been hearing the pros and cons of Trump's plans for "higher tariffs", the book outlines the reasons that he feels they are needed. As a former international tax professional the logic used hit home and helped to explain many of the interactions between foreign and US businessess while providing backgrounds on the various negotiations and quantifications of impacts. Very good - and timely -- read.
This is an excellent book. The book talks about Trumps policies they implemented while he was in office. I didn’t know it was so difficult to negotiate with China. China kept refusing to negotiate but Trump kept raising the tariff until China caved. Trump plan is to re-implement these trade policies which favor America instead of foreign countries. These trade policies bring jobs to Americans! We need Trump back in office.
A surprisingly accessible and insightful take on what is usually a very technical subject. The author breaks down complex trade mechanisms—like WTO rules, Section 301 and 232 actions, and bilateral trade tools—into clear and digestible ideas. It’s a crash course not just in how U.S. trade policy works, but in how it could work differently, with a focus on fairness rather than just openness. You also get a concise yet powerful historical overview of U.S. trade thinking, and sharp observations about the trade practices of key global players. Whether you agree with the author’s rejection of the current free trade orthodoxy or not, his arguments are rooted in deep experience and deserve serious consideration.
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Una exposición sorprendentemente clara y accesible de un tema que suele ser muy técnico. El autor descompone mecanismos complejos del comercio—como las reglas de la OMC, las secciones 301 y 232, y los instrumentos bilaterales—en ideas claras y fáciles de entender. Es una especie de curso acelerado no solo sobre cómo funciona la política comercial de EE.UU., sino sobre cómo podría funcionar de forma diferente, con un enfoque en la equidad más que en la apertura. También ofrece una visión breve pero potente de la historia del pensamiento comercial estadounidense, además de observaciones muy lúcidas sobre las políticas comerciales de otros países clave. Estés o no de acuerdo con su crítica al consenso actual sobre el libre comercio, sus argumentos están basados en una experiencia profunda y merecen atención seria.
I still disagree with the protectionist perspective, but this book has some good arguments for VAT/border adjustment taxes, reforming the WTO dispute system, and making trade agreements more enforceable. Also has some interesting thoughts on the dollars status as a reserve currency’s impact on increasing trade deficits. Fails to explain why the damage of tariffs to consumers is a clearly superior choice vs. free trades damage to producers.
The analysis here isn't revolutionary or new, but it was a very good introduction of the viewpoints driving trade policy in both Trump administrations.
Great read to understand what might be driving POTUS 47 trade agenda. 5 stars for the information the book provides on the thinking behind US trade policy under POTUS 45 and the info on the various negotiating processes. 1 star for the authors actual views on addressing the identified/ perceived problems. E g. the author failed to understand that EU ban of chlorinated chicken is for animal welfare reasons, not food safety. Minor detail perhaps but demonstrates the lack of understanding.
An outstanding book for sure. This book is very well written. Lighthizer presented the many trade issues that have accumulated in the United States over the past three decades which have resulted in much financial and societal damage. From the huge trade deficit to its impact on manufacturing and working families. Lighthizer provides all of the facts. His recitation is straightforward and very credible. Very hard to argue otherwise. He then lays out the strategy to fixing these problems through trade negotiations with other countries. In great detail, he provides the trade negations with China, Mexico and many other countries. These must have been very tense meetings. In each case, he tells of how US trade was disadvantaged by each country and how he negotiated to eliminate unfair treatment. The real key to all of these negations is the willingness of the US to be tough and forceful in order to achieve a balanced result. Knowing how to leverage US strengths is the hammer. Then hard fought negotiations, clear communications about how US trade is disadvantaged, coupled with a great respect developed between the parties is how this work is accomplished.
In short, mercantilism doesn’t work and results in more people being poor. That’s what is wrong with protectionists who blame others before looking at what we could be doing differently. More free trade is the answer, especially with friendly nations.
Whenever I see and hear Donald Trump, I feel like I’m watching a completely brutish barbarian. But history tells us something interesting: it was barbarians like him who brought down the Roman Empire… and today, they dominate Northern Europe and perhaps the world.
With that in mind, I decided to read Robert Lighthizer’s book. He was Trump’s chief trade negotiator during his first term, and I wanted to understand the reasoning behind the tariffs imposed on Mexico and other countries. Even though I dislike Trump, there must be some logic behind his thinking.
When I bought the book, my daughter told me: “Why give that guy your money? Just get a PDF or a pirated copy.” But reading it was worth it.
What I found was simple and brutal: it’s all about China.
For 30 years, the U.S. has been feeding a rival that seeks to take away its global dominance. And Lighthizer puts it bluntly: “When have you ever seen a country give its enemies technology and money so they can grow and turn against it?”
China plays dirty in trade—dumping, currency manipulation, and rerouting exports through countries like Vietnam, Canada… and, unfortunately, Mexico.
The most common trick? Send Chinese products to these countries, repackage them as locally made, and then export them to the U.S. Or worse: sell steel to Mexico, which then sells its own steel to the U.S. while using the Chinese steel for domestic consumption. Essentially, China is financing itself through the U.S. market.
Here’s another curious fact: Mexico has a large trade surplus with the U.S. but a huge deficit with China. In other words, we export to the U.S., but instead of buying from them, we buy from China. Is that fair trade?
On top of that, Mexico is already violating the USMCA when its judiciary and “autonomous” institutions are no longer independent.
What are the solutions? Revaluing the peso could make U.S. products more competitive, but it would also open the floodgates for even more Chinese imports. Perhaps the key is devaluing the dollar, as the author suggests—he estimates it should drop by at least 11%.
If China revalued its currency, the entire world would benefit.
Trump tried to fix this. Will he succeed? And how will that affect Mexico?
This book explores U.S. trade relations with China, Canada, Mexico, Europe, and the rest of Asia. If you want to understand what’s happening—and what could happen next—this is a must-read.
Most people believe free trade is essential for true economic growth. Furthermore, most economists tell us that a trade deficit has no effect on GDP. What Mr. Lighthizer points out is theree is no "free" trade. Countries fiercely protect their manufacturing base - the ability to make things. However, the United States has followed a policy of free trade since the 1980s which led to the outsourcing of our manufacturing. This policy has had disastrous effects that we discovered during the Wuhan pandemic. The United States is dependent for many strategic goods and materials that are made in foreign countries or even our enemies like China. Unfortunately, it did not have to be this way. Andy Grove, the former CEO and founder of Intel warned: “Our pursuit of our individual businesses, which often involves transferring manufacturing and a great deal of engineering out of the country, has hindered our ability to bring innovations to scale at home. Without scaling, we don’t just lose jobs — we lose our hold on new technologies. Losing the ability to scale will ultimately damage our capacity to innovate.”
Mr. Lighthizer enlightens the reader to the many flaws of the World Trade Organizations which benefits countries like China to the detriment of the United States. He also gives a list of reasons why trade deficits hurt the economy. In addition, he compares the manufacturing policies of other countries and suggest ways America can regain their manufacturing base. One example is Germany. They have a trade surplus even though it is very expensive to manufacture in Germany. It's not just labor costs - there are many other factors from which the United States can implement policies that will encourage products to be Made in USA. An excellent read.
In his latest book, Robert Lighthizer, former U.S. Trade Representative under the first Trump administration, offers a candid and forceful take on the current state of global affairs. He argues that the world is undergoing a profound shift toward a new international order—one in which the United States is strategically decoupling from China while confronting a ballooning trade deficit and reassessing its role in sustaining global security.
The book is divided into two parts. In the first, Lighthizer lays out a diagnosis of America’s economic vulnerabilities. He contends that the country’s persistent trade deficits, its costly role as the global military guarantor, and its increasingly negative net investment position are not only unsustainable but also fundamentally unfair. A significant portion of this section is devoted to China, whose rapid rise he attributes to decades of mercantilist policies, intellectual property theft, and systematic manipulation of global trade rules.
The second part of the book turns to Lighthizer’s experiences at the negotiating table—with China, Mexico, Canada, and other key partners. He reflects on what worked, what didn’t, and what the United States must do to preserve its technological edge and geopolitical strength. These chapters offer rare insight into the mechanics of trade diplomacy and lay out a nationalist, strategic vision for U.S. economic policy in the years ahead.
While Lighthizer is an incredibly smart person, this book is simply an attempt to justify 40 years of failures. Despite having been at the negotiating table for 40 years, the author has somehow managed to separate his time from reality — a symptom of Trumpism.
The trade imbalances happened during his time, with his signature all over it. Yet, he blames 1) bad management — to which he was involved in 2) deficits — which his boss doubled in four years and 3) the elites — whom he and his boss are a part of and actively report to.
Somehow, it’s everyone else’s fault. He completely ignores that in order to have balanced trades, you need to provide either good quality products that people want OR cheap products — really in this day and age, both. Sadly, American exceptionalism has become about exceptionally stupid bureaucrats.
Not to mention that the countries he demonizes have bought an extensive amount of US debt. These countries are funding the American government. You can’t have a cake, eat it too, and demand other countries give you more cake for free. An incredibly smart person, justifying his failures.
Lastly, he reminds you every chapter that he knows what Trump had for breakfast on a daily basis. Quite embarrassing for someone who claims to have done all of above — without much to show for.
A better ghost writer, or at minimum, the paid version of ChatGPT, would be my main recommendfation.
This is a fascinating read in light of the massive upheaval we're seeing in trade. In many ways, Lighthizer's book reveals two phenomenons: the general "Trumpian" view of trade and how this view now is being pushed to its absolute extremes without a clear or articulable strategy. Through many different parts of the book, I had the distinct feeling that if Lighthizer was still a part of the administration, the "Liberation Day" tariffs would never have happened. Or, if they did, they would never have been imposed under IEEPA or imposed so hastily without any warning or discussion with specific trade partners about what concessions the U.S. is seeking. But specifically about this book, I do think Lighthizer is an incredibly effective advocate for his view of trade policy and the effects it has wrought in the U.S. over the last 100 years. He makes very compelling points about how unfettered free trade can't be the norm and how the U.S. can **specifically** push back against heavy state involvement in economies across the globe, including by even our own allies. In a time where nearly all conventions about trade are being challenged, I strongly encourage everyone, particularly those aligned with Trump's broader view of the world and economy, to peruse at least the first part of this book.
About as good as insider government memoirs get, this book was substantive and reasonable, even if bound by the constraints of its genre (excessive groveling to Trump, defensiveness at times, etc). Lighthizer is clearly dedicated, knowledgeable, and articulate, and it’s unsurprising he was viewed as one of the most effective members of the first Trump admin. That said, there’s an interesting tension in evaluating his legacy — he is correct that many of the positions they advocated on China threat, WTO, technology transfer etc. became conventional wisdom in the last 7 years, and that his office was notably effective in raising their profile and shifting US policy on trade accordingly with tariffs and renegotiated NAFTA and China agreements.
That said, as the recent New Yorker profile of Lighthizer asserts, the tangible economic results of these changes in reshoring manufacturing and lowering the trade deficit are minimal so far — on their own merits, the policies have not succeeded. Despite his apparent hyper competence, Lighthizer’s tenure may be another instantiation of the Trumpian triumph of bark over bite. Yes, narrative and conventional wisdom have changed, but to what end?
Essential reading for those are attempting to understand the Trump administration's trade policy.
The former U.S. Trade Representative attempts to rationalize what nearly all economists disagree with: the case for increased U.S. tariffs. Lighthizer explains his prioritization of high-paying manufacturing jobs above all else: "Economic efficiency, low prices, and corporate profits are important goals - but they should be secondary to improving the lives of and opportunities available to regular working people in this country" (311).
In Lighthizer's view the United States has historically had high tariffs, and the post-WWII era is an aberration. He puts much scorn on the creation of the WTO, and especially its dispute settlement system, and the accession of China to the WTO.
This perspective also prioritizes production over consumption, and views the balance of trade as crucial, despite the current account balance equaling out. I would have appreciated a more detailed explanation of his disagreement with other economists on this point. I also consider the lack of attention to the U.S. budget deficit a glaring omission, since, if less unaddressed, undermines any real possibility of balanced trade.
I really enjoyed this book! Especially the fact that we’re dealing with Trump Tariffs now and all things international trade. It is an esoteric topic. However, this book really layed down some foundational key learnings where even a layman like myself could understand. Also moving forward, now that I have a basic understanding of international trade and the different treaties and agreements that have previously been made by past administrations. It is a good path to understand the landscape moving forward in the upcoming administrations and how we deal with globalization and how we’re going to protect our middle class … more specifically the manufacturing sector.
After reading this book, it does make me ask a question about is it really worth the cheap products that we buy for example Shein (aka China) — The damage that it actually does to us long-term… funding their economy which then allows them to purchase US land, assets, and other US companies. Is it really worth the temporary gain for long-term pain? I’d say that we need to protect ourselves from China
P.S. take a shot every time Lighthizer says “pernicious”
1. I can agree with most of the principles stated. They are principles every country should aim to apply themselves. What's fair v.s. unfair therefore depends heavily on where does one sit. 2. The differentiation between developed and developing countries should be factored into trade agreements. It is unfair in my opinion to expect developing countries to reach the standard of developed countries in all aspects in the near-term, given how long and challenging the road had been for the developed countries. However, it is very difficult to agree on what's the appropriate definition of developing country, how much flexibility should be provided, what's the time horizon for the flexibility, etc. 3. At the end of the day, international politics is still a place power speaks. As the author advocated, each country's primary goal is to use its own strength to negotiate for preferential terms for themselves
Maybe this is entirely my fault for not properly reading the summary, but I expected a thoughtful discussion on how trade should be conducted with some real world examples. Instead, I go to listen to the author stroke his own ego for using a large stick to beat other countries into submission over trade policies.
Now, I'm not an expert, but I do expect that some negotiations/concessions must have been made over the course of the trade negotiations and that would have been an interesting discussion on what aspects should/should not be prioritized in a trade agreement. And while I will concede that the author does raise some salient points, including how technology should be shared over trade, the utter lack of depth of thought about it truly baffles me - it would be concerning if the extent of trade policy is what little is presented in the book.
TLDR - it's an autobiography, read if you're into that, but don't expect any thoughtful discussion about trade.
This book is an extremely flawed and one sided perspective of trade that is meant to mislead. Massive confirmation bias and lack of intellectual rigor. There are so many misrepresentations in this book that blatantly ignore many fundamental economic principles that could have easily been presented. Intellectual property theft, higher reciprocal tariffs on US goods, domestic ability to produce weapons, and state subsidies are the only arguments that hold water.
This book NEEDS to address the consumer surplus received from lower costs goods manufactured in lower wage countries, including externalities (less pollution). It also should address the US dollars dominance as the world’s reserve currency and how Americans benefit from that. Specialization of various countries and its importance in benefits to everyone is conveniently ignored. Being in a deficit to another country is in no way giving anything away. Shameful.
The book is comprehensive in describing former trade policy and the authors suggestions for a more balanced trade policy of the future. In a nutshell, the author believes that other countries have been taking advantage of us by having an unfair trade advantage of having high tariffs in their countries while we have low tariffs. He explains the rationale for changing this trade balance. It’s a compelling argument. I never heard this argument, articulated once in my college and grad school years the so-called trade orthodoxy never called into question the concept of cheap goods versus more employment for workers. This is an essential point of the book. Which is more important? Cheap stuff or having employment for US workers? I’m grateful for the thoughtful analysis which is not part of mainstream trade theory.
populist propaganda, the end. nothing about any of these policies, neo-con/lib are, for helping WORKERS. they are for helping business, corporations or individuals who have bought favor, with whatever admin currently has the most power. this will drive revenue to the corps and profits to the shareholders... the author fails to end with a list of results for WORKERS... sure honest mistake.
workers have almost zero protection from having their labor exploited for fewer benefits and compensation, period. nothing about the proposed policies center the "worker" having a living wage at a comfortable life... at best any jobs coming, will be chaotic shift work between gig runs to deliver snacks...
After listening to multiple journalists and podcasters talk about tariffs and pretty much getting the impression that they had no background in trade and seemed to have an almost emotional and knee-jerk reaction to tariffs, I wanted to learn about it myself. This book is written for someone like me to understand a pretty complex topic. I appreciate the depth of understanding this author has and the information he shares with those of us that don't want to hear people spin a position based on a political party.
The author is a Trump and Reagan fanboy 100%. I have it three stars as I agree that western economies are way to dependent upon China,but the corporations did that to maximize stock prices. He thinks we can use tariffs to bring manufacturing back which is totally wrong. I do agree with the author that essential items like computer chips, medical supplies, high end necessary items should be manufactured in north America but I am unsure how you do that and pay a living wage. The funny part is the author was part of the Regan and trump governments who supported exporting the jobs.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
No Trade Is Free” is a compelling and insightful read that brilliantly unpacks the complexities of global trade. The author’s sharp analysis and accessible writing make intricate economic concepts engaging and easy to grasp. With real-world examples and a balanced perspective, the book challenges readers to rethink trade’s impact on society, making it a must-read for anyone interested in economics or global policy. Highly recommended!
Crucial summer reading for anyone interested in trade. Learned lots about how the Trump admin revolutionized trade policy, and how difficult it was to negotiate agreements with China, and with Mexico/Canada. Left me with lots of questions to ponder about the state of trade, how to balance trade deficits, and what the future holds…
A clear readable explanation of the America First viewpoint on trade imbalances and unfair trading practices globally. Take with a large grain of salt; although many valid points are made, you may find Lighthizer's version of fair one-sided and maximalist. That said, it's too bad he wasn't brought back for Trump 2.0, as he would certainly have better managed the current negotiations.