This book should have been tailor-made for me; the subject matter of the Founding generation coupled with finance and economics should be like some sort of nerd apotheosis that made it impossible to set the book down. And to be fair, i thoroughly enjoyed the first half, though it was somewhat remedial, while the second half dragged, and wandered off-topic.
The premise behind the book is that, for a variety of historical and sociological reasons, the Founding generation, brilliant as it was, lacked a general understanding of money, banking and finance among the native-born leaders of the era, and it fell to immigrants, with their outsiders' perspectives (and the attendant criticism and suspicion that they had to endure), to create a functioning system of government. While McCraw brings to bear a number of interesting facts, such as that 5 of the first 6 treasury secretaries were immigrants, vs. just one other foreign-born cabinet member in the first 50 years under the Constitution, he really leans on two of these men for the bulk of the book: Alexander Hamilton and Albert Gallatin. The book essentially follows Hamilton's life and achievements for the the first half, before switching to Gallatin.
The first half, then, I was largely familiar with, though it's always helpful to refresh one's memory, and to follow the arc of Hamilton's career is to understand what an unbridled genius he was; from a penniless illegitimate child whose mother died next to hm in bed when he was 9 years old in the British West indies, to the man who not only created the apparatus of the Treasury and set the US on solid financial footing after the dangerously insolvent and depressed 1780's, but who was a driver of many other decisions and debates in the first and second Washington administrations. The subject material, from funding the US debt at par to the assumption of state debts to the creation of the Bank of the US, is replete with drama as Madison, his erstwhile ally in the Constitutional ratification debates, and Jefferson, his bete noire, began to consolidate power specifically to oppose him. His life, tragically short and marred by his own weaknesses, is endlessly fascinating.
The structural weakness comes in with the second half, which was ostensibly about Gallatin. Albert Gallatin, a Swiss immigrant who came to the US from Geneva in 1780, was the Treasury Secretary under Jefferson and Madison, spanning four presidential terms and offering sound financial and economic guidance. Though he was an early congressional opponent of Hamilton, he ended up affirming much of what Hamilton had established, even protesting the demise of the Bank in 1811 (and encouraging its recharter in 1814). However, Gallatin was not as compelling a character as Hamilton, nor were the times as dominated by financial and economic issues. Gallatin's main achievements lay in successfully navigating the economic disasters brought on b Jefferson's embargo against Britain and France in 1807-1808, and Madison's War of 1812, both of which Gallatin strongly opposed but was powerless to stop. He skillfully navigated the US through these trying foreign policy adventures, but although he was the mainstay for the Republicans throughout the early 19th century, he never wielded the kind of vast, far-reaching influence over policy that Hamilton had at the height of his power, and often served as a Cassandra whose correct prophecies of doom went unheeded by Jefferson and Madison. He was an admirable and highly intelligent man, but not nearly as interesting to read about.
Moreover, the thesis- that native-born Americans were ill-suited to produce anyone to govern a nascent market economy (Oliver Wolcott, the second Treasury Secretary, essentially consulted Hamilton on everything)- may be true, but the data points are too sparse to give it a good reading, and largely rest on the shoulders of two men- Hamilton and Gallatin. What is easier to accept is the both of these men, having no specific state loyalties from birth, took more nationalist views than most of their countrymen,and saw public policy through the lens of America, not New York or Massachusetts or Virginia. A reasonable assertion, but hardly earth-shattering, and though the common reader probably appreciates the restraint shown by McCraw in not leaping into the nitty-gritty of the financial system's workings, that might have added more to the knowledge of those who already have a generalist picture, and were looking for something more.