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The Ruling Elite of Singapore: Networks of Power and Influence
Michael Barr explores the complex and covert networks of power at work in one of the world's most prosperous countries – the city-state of Singapore. He argues that the contemporary networks of power are a deliberate project initiated and managed by Lee Kuan Yew – former prime minister and Singapore's ""founding father"" – designed to empower himself and his family. Barr identifies the crucial institutions of power - including the country's sovereign wealth funds, and the government-linked companies – together with five critical features that form the key to understanding the nature of the networks. He provides an assessment of possible shifts of power within the elite in the wake of Lee Kuan Yew's son, Lee Hsien Loong, assuming power, and considers the possibility of a more fundamental democratic shift in Singapore's political system.
224 pages, Hardcover
First published December 24, 2012
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Displaying 1 - 23 of 23 reviews
August 20, 2024
This was published more than a decade ago so it is not current (I think there has been pretty significant shifts since), but it’s a good historical snapshot with incredible detail. While at times he makes bold, unfair assertions, the observations he makes are more interesting than the mundane ankle-flashing “revelations” of some insiders
May 19, 2014
A hard book to write well, as so many things are stacked against it. Little of this will be new to those who have lived in Singapore, but gaining access to more of those who might have something more substantial to say is obviously problematic. The Singapore National Archives are closed off as well, so historically much of the data falls back on the old secondary published sources. At times more of an extended feature article reproducing ongoing work by social media. But useful all the same as a sign of the times, by an outsider who has studied the scene for at least two decades. The point about real power being wielded first and foremost within the Lee family, and then the GLCs, civil service, military and so on is well taken, and points to a continuation of Chinese-dominated elitist paper-chasing patterns into the medium and long-term - regardless of whether the PAP will lose its electoral mandate or otherwise. But still highly speculative.
Probably worth reading in conjunction with Hard Choices - https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/2...
Probably worth reading in conjunction with Hard Choices - https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/2...
July 22, 2020
meticulous research and analysis painstakingly drawn from deceptively simple newspaper reports and statistics, personal interviews with players exposed to the nexus of elite power, and barr's alertness to the ebbs and flows of political machinations coalesce into a compelling concise and frank portrayal of the singapore System. barr's writing possesses the eloquence and energy of a thriller, and the only regret I have from reading this behemoth of an analysis is the sobering fact that it's claims aren't at all fictional.
P.S. if you're acquainted with people who refuse to believe, under pain of death, that the singapore story isn't blemished, this book might serve as an effective cure.
P.S. if you're acquainted with people who refuse to believe, under pain of death, that the singapore story isn't blemished, this book might serve as an effective cure.
April 11, 2021
This book is an ahistorical look at the shifting dynamics of elite composition within the ruling government. Through research and secret interviews with (ex-)members of the elite circle, Michael Barr produces adept analyses of the power structures and networks that sustain the political hegemony in Singapore.
It comes at no surprise that many of the key players in the inner orbit of power have enjoyed lowered barriers and easy access to influential positions closely linked to the power core. Despite our claims to be a practising democracy, it is crystal clear to any third-party observer that the political situation in the island state is anything but. Across GLCs (government-linked companies), educational institutions, civil service, media, trade unions, statutory boards, and military forces, the entrenchment of state power has been so complete that potential challengers of the hegemony would be politically helpless even if they were to form majority in parliament.
That Singaporeans live in a socially constructed national myth of meritocracy should be old news by now. Michael Barr compares Singapore's unique elite network to "a Chinese family business, complete with a patriarch, an eldest son, guanxi networks and questions of cross-generational continuity". We can observe this in several examples of political missteps over the years that have led to little or zero repercussions to the offending elites. (Most notably, the less-than-satisfactory handling of GLCs under the helm of some Lee family members.)
While many of the problems identified in this book have not been fully addressed, I believe that Singapore is slowly changing for the better. We now have a more diverse representation in parliament (though Barr argues that opposition parties are dependent on the ruling party), as well as a more active electorate who are more willing to question the state's (previously unchallenged) moral authority. At the end of the day, it is important to remember that no matter our political affiliations and social standing, we all want what's best for our country and people.
Overall, this is a good book that paints a clear picture of the power relations and influence within the upper echelons of the elite society. If you're interested to know more about the BTS of Singapore's elite network, this book will serve as a nice introduction.
#QOTD: Regardless of whether one lies on the continuum of power – near the inner or outer levels – unless you are practically part of the family, you are in a position of dependency.
It comes at no surprise that many of the key players in the inner orbit of power have enjoyed lowered barriers and easy access to influential positions closely linked to the power core. Despite our claims to be a practising democracy, it is crystal clear to any third-party observer that the political situation in the island state is anything but. Across GLCs (government-linked companies), educational institutions, civil service, media, trade unions, statutory boards, and military forces, the entrenchment of state power has been so complete that potential challengers of the hegemony would be politically helpless even if they were to form majority in parliament.
That Singaporeans live in a socially constructed national myth of meritocracy should be old news by now. Michael Barr compares Singapore's unique elite network to "a Chinese family business, complete with a patriarch, an eldest son, guanxi networks and questions of cross-generational continuity". We can observe this in several examples of political missteps over the years that have led to little or zero repercussions to the offending elites. (Most notably, the less-than-satisfactory handling of GLCs under the helm of some Lee family members.)
While many of the problems identified in this book have not been fully addressed, I believe that Singapore is slowly changing for the better. We now have a more diverse representation in parliament (though Barr argues that opposition parties are dependent on the ruling party), as well as a more active electorate who are more willing to question the state's (previously unchallenged) moral authority. At the end of the day, it is important to remember that no matter our political affiliations and social standing, we all want what's best for our country and people.
Overall, this is a good book that paints a clear picture of the power relations and influence within the upper echelons of the elite society. If you're interested to know more about the BTS of Singapore's elite network, this book will serve as a nice introduction.
#QOTD: Regardless of whether one lies on the continuum of power – near the inner or outer levels – unless you are practically part of the family, you are in a position of dependency.
December 24, 2015
not very well-written at all, and hardly an argument in sight. mostly history and some very badly compiled statistics that insinuate and accuse through speculation rather than evidence. (this is no doubt in part due to the unavailability of data, but that doesn't excuse the inability to form anything resembling an argument, rather than a summary of historical fact.) i'm with it on its premise - which has been demonstrated, if not systematically, elsewhere - but this book doesn't do very well at convincing even someone who is.
February 23, 2020
Well researched book that lays out how power operates and reproduces itself in Singapore's elite. Barr relies mostly on textual analysis of news articles and off the record interviews with anonymous retired public figures to map out relationships within the notoriously closed networks of Singapore's political elite. Whilst this can sometimes come across as conjecture and hypothesis in certain examples which rely on the author's interpretation of events, Barr's research is extremely thorough and he lays out compelling arguments.
November 19, 2017
Paradigm-shifting book that illuminates the mechanisms through which Singapore operates. It is difficult to piece everything together without this book. I will refrain from talking about things like nepotism, quasi-meritocratic oligarchy, paranoia etc because those terms need adequate treatment which can be found in this book. I was very surprised when I found that multiple copies of this book sits placidly in the recesses of Lv 11 of the NLB.
September 18, 2025
This book was published more than 10 years ago but I think there were a lot of interesting points from this book!
1. LKY takeaways from Toynbee’s message on elite regeneration, where elites can rejuvenate themselves by responding to serious/existential challenges to avoid ruptures of regime change > identification of challenges + young and creative politicians to ensure smooth generational transfer of power
2. The concept of “incomplete assimilation” where non-Chinese adapt themselves to enter networks of power, and in the end, still continue to be relegated to a minority status.
3. Five elements to describe the nature and character of power in Singapore:
- Singapore’s small physical size and population
- the formation of the ruling “elites”
- the patronage of LKY and his family
- the centrality of “Chinese-ness” in Singapore’s national identity
- the importance of a military background
4. Tharman, Chew Kheng Chuan, and Yeoh Lam Keong associations with Tan Wah Piow, a “Maoist exile”, his questioning at ISD, Tharman being under the patronage of LHL.
5. GCT and Lee family. (1) Moving LHL out of MINDEF and MTI; (2) building networks of patronage and reciprocity in civil service and GLCs through making senior appointments and perhaps through the highly secretive Directorship and Consultancy Appointments Council (DCAC, whose existence were kept silent until 1985)
6. Five key developments observed:
- “his elevation of Chineseness to a central role of Singaporean identity;
- the intensification of the elitist education system as a factory for elite production;
- the elevation of the military to the new ‘gold standard’ of elites, which coincided with the professionalisation of the civil service;
- the new level of sophistication in elite selection at the peak political levels; and
- the elevation of his family to its undisputed status as Singapore’s ‘first family’.
7. LHL and LKY difference in management of ethnicity. LKY’s “Hard Truths” book “which he painted his ideal Muslim as a man with whom he could share a beer and a non-halal meal, whose wife and daughters did not wear the tudung, and who was generally ‘less strict on Islamic observances’.15 He used the same occasion to suggest that the rise of religiosity among Muslims was a threat to multiracialism and social harmony in Singapore” and LHL’s response.
- “The significance of this incident was two-fold. Firstly, Lee Kuan Yew’s outburst stood uncorrected, despite the fact that it breached Cabinet solidarity and completely undermined a government programme. This demonstrated his inviolability. Secondly, Lee’s outburst was an isolated event with no follow-up, and it had no discernable effect on the government programme of mosque promotion. This demonstrated the limits of his power: there was now a distinction between Lee Senior making his displeasure known and him closing down a project or a discussion, whereas once they had been the same thing. It was apparent by this stage that there was a vague field of contestation between father and son, and even though Lee Senior was inviolable, Lee Junior and his team were able to pursue contrary agendas.”
8. Comparison of political system between Taiwan and Singapore is interesting but I think the argument could have gone much deeper.
“It would be courageous to be very definite in predicting any path of political development in Singapore, but the example of Taiwan suggests that if full democratisation is to have much chance of developing in Singapore, it is most likely to result from a series of incremental steps that begin with fractures in the elite itself and where in the early stages at least, electorates will have the opportunity to choose between two wings of the current elite, each of which would have a substantial degree of legitimacy in the existing corridors of power. This would probably be sufficient to overcome the problems of the elite being entrenched in the institutional corridors of power, and an opposition presence in parliament could turn out to be a critical factor in helping such a scenario along.
First, Singapore is much smaller than Taiwan and therefore it is easier for the national elite to exercise control, including self-control. Second, the Singapore elite is more homogenous than Taiwan’s ever was. In the last decade or more before democratisation, the Taiwanese elite was riven with openly acknowledged factions, rival lines of patronage, and a major ethnic divide between Chinese Taiwanese and indigenous Taiwanese. It is conceivable that the Singapore elite could go the same way, but thanks to its small size, the development of a rival elite in Singapore is more problematic than it was in Taiwan. Third, Singapore’s economy is more fragile than Taiwan’s, with very much greater vulnerability to almost every breeze and bug in the global economy and global financial system (and more literally in the water, air and sundry imported food stuffs).
This vulnerability makes Singapore’s national elite more sensitive to the dangers of instability and indifferently competent government than was the national elite of Taiwan at the turn of the century. In political terms, this translates into extreme risk aversion that dampens the chance of an open split, whatever may happen behind closed doors.”
1. LKY takeaways from Toynbee’s message on elite regeneration, where elites can rejuvenate themselves by responding to serious/existential challenges to avoid ruptures of regime change > identification of challenges + young and creative politicians to ensure smooth generational transfer of power
2. The concept of “incomplete assimilation” where non-Chinese adapt themselves to enter networks of power, and in the end, still continue to be relegated to a minority status.
3. Five elements to describe the nature and character of power in Singapore:
- Singapore’s small physical size and population
- the formation of the ruling “elites”
- the patronage of LKY and his family
- the centrality of “Chinese-ness” in Singapore’s national identity
- the importance of a military background
4. Tharman, Chew Kheng Chuan, and Yeoh Lam Keong associations with Tan Wah Piow, a “Maoist exile”, his questioning at ISD, Tharman being under the patronage of LHL.
5. GCT and Lee family. (1) Moving LHL out of MINDEF and MTI; (2) building networks of patronage and reciprocity in civil service and GLCs through making senior appointments and perhaps through the highly secretive Directorship and Consultancy Appointments Council (DCAC, whose existence were kept silent until 1985)
6. Five key developments observed:
- “his elevation of Chineseness to a central role of Singaporean identity;
- the intensification of the elitist education system as a factory for elite production;
- the elevation of the military to the new ‘gold standard’ of elites, which coincided with the professionalisation of the civil service;
- the new level of sophistication in elite selection at the peak political levels; and
- the elevation of his family to its undisputed status as Singapore’s ‘first family’.
7. LHL and LKY difference in management of ethnicity. LKY’s “Hard Truths” book “which he painted his ideal Muslim as a man with whom he could share a beer and a non-halal meal, whose wife and daughters did not wear the tudung, and who was generally ‘less strict on Islamic observances’.15 He used the same occasion to suggest that the rise of religiosity among Muslims was a threat to multiracialism and social harmony in Singapore” and LHL’s response.
- “The significance of this incident was two-fold. Firstly, Lee Kuan Yew’s outburst stood uncorrected, despite the fact that it breached Cabinet solidarity and completely undermined a government programme. This demonstrated his inviolability. Secondly, Lee’s outburst was an isolated event with no follow-up, and it had no discernable effect on the government programme of mosque promotion. This demonstrated the limits of his power: there was now a distinction between Lee Senior making his displeasure known and him closing down a project or a discussion, whereas once they had been the same thing. It was apparent by this stage that there was a vague field of contestation between father and son, and even though Lee Senior was inviolable, Lee Junior and his team were able to pursue contrary agendas.”
8. Comparison of political system between Taiwan and Singapore is interesting but I think the argument could have gone much deeper.
“It would be courageous to be very definite in predicting any path of political development in Singapore, but the example of Taiwan suggests that if full democratisation is to have much chance of developing in Singapore, it is most likely to result from a series of incremental steps that begin with fractures in the elite itself and where in the early stages at least, electorates will have the opportunity to choose between two wings of the current elite, each of which would have a substantial degree of legitimacy in the existing corridors of power. This would probably be sufficient to overcome the problems of the elite being entrenched in the institutional corridors of power, and an opposition presence in parliament could turn out to be a critical factor in helping such a scenario along.
First, Singapore is much smaller than Taiwan and therefore it is easier for the national elite to exercise control, including self-control. Second, the Singapore elite is more homogenous than Taiwan’s ever was. In the last decade or more before democratisation, the Taiwanese elite was riven with openly acknowledged factions, rival lines of patronage, and a major ethnic divide between Chinese Taiwanese and indigenous Taiwanese. It is conceivable that the Singapore elite could go the same way, but thanks to its small size, the development of a rival elite in Singapore is more problematic than it was in Taiwan. Third, Singapore’s economy is more fragile than Taiwan’s, with very much greater vulnerability to almost every breeze and bug in the global economy and global financial system (and more literally in the water, air and sundry imported food stuffs).
This vulnerability makes Singapore’s national elite more sensitive to the dangers of instability and indifferently competent government than was the national elite of Taiwan at the turn of the century. In political terms, this translates into extreme risk aversion that dampens the chance of an open split, whatever may happen behind closed doors.”
October 10, 2020
In just 140 pages of text, the author puts up a pretty good case (in part by drawing on his earlier work) that: "...it makes it a lot easier to understand Singapore if you put aside notions of modernity and ordinary governance, let alone democracy, and begin from the premise that it is a Chinese family business, complete with a patriarch, an eldest song networks and questions of cross-generational continuity." (108)
Simply summarizing publicly available information (for the most part), a book like this about another country would have simply been mediocre. But in the context of Singapore, where the establishment would probably bomb its own offices before being forthright, it's actually quite insightful and would serve as a pretty good introduction to how the country works.
As an aside, despite the author being Australian, I was pleasantly surprised to find (in chapter 3 - "The creation and entrenchment of a national elite") a discussion of something well known locally about the education pipeline from institutions like Raffles and Hwa Chong to coveted scholarships and then to governance.
Simply summarizing publicly available information (for the most part), a book like this about another country would have simply been mediocre. But in the context of Singapore, where the establishment would probably bomb its own offices before being forthright, it's actually quite insightful and would serve as a pretty good introduction to how the country works.
As an aside, despite the author being Australian, I was pleasantly surprised to find (in chapter 3 - "The creation and entrenchment of a national elite") a discussion of something well known locally about the education pipeline from institutions like Raffles and Hwa Chong to coveted scholarships and then to governance.
June 7, 2022
(I'm aware this is the 7th book I've started and finished reading in Lagos in the past 2 weeks, which shows the extent of my disenchantment in my remote internship and my lack of social activity, but moving on...)
I was rather disappointed by this book because I was hoping for something less academic and more diverse (not just focusing on political power but also economic power). An expose that tracked the stats of people who go to elite schools and their long term career prospects. Instead we got an overly long book which (1) focused a lot on Lee Kuan Yew and his power struggles with his son/ other ministers — ok, fair, since power undoubtedly emanates from him; (2) revolved only around 2 main arguments: racism and the centrality of "Chinese-ness" in forming the political elite; the interwovenness of GLCs, Temasek/ GIC with the Cabinet/ PAP; (3) laundry list of people in power and the positions on their resume.
Also, Lawrence Wong was mentioned only ONCE in the book; Singapore's 4th Prime Minister clearly fell through the cracks of the research, and might not neatly fall into Barr's explanation of elite circles and patronage.
I was rather disappointed by this book because I was hoping for something less academic and more diverse (not just focusing on political power but also economic power). An expose that tracked the stats of people who go to elite schools and their long term career prospects. Instead we got an overly long book which (1) focused a lot on Lee Kuan Yew and his power struggles with his son/ other ministers — ok, fair, since power undoubtedly emanates from him; (2) revolved only around 2 main arguments: racism and the centrality of "Chinese-ness" in forming the political elite; the interwovenness of GLCs, Temasek/ GIC with the Cabinet/ PAP; (3) laundry list of people in power and the positions on their resume.
Also, Lawrence Wong was mentioned only ONCE in the book; Singapore's 4th Prime Minister clearly fell through the cracks of the research, and might not neatly fall into Barr's explanation of elite circles and patronage.
September 2, 2020
Barr maps out the networks of power as well as he can without being an insider, and argues that despite some changes, the elite of Singapore remain dominated by Chinese with similar educational and social backgrounds, those with personal connections, and the scholar-soldier — and will likely remain so for the immediate future. Power resides not just in the government, but in a whole host of related organisations and companies.
May 8, 2025
This is a very good book on the power networks in Singapore political landscape and I believe that many Singaporeans would agree and understand how Barr has come to his own conclusions about Singapore's political networks. In fact, I believe that it may seem a little bit obvious for people now (at least those who pay attention to Singapore's domestic politics), but keeping in mind that it is published in 2012, it is expected that these ideas being fleshed out was rather new in 2012.
December 8, 2021
Fantastically researched and so true.
Barr breaks down the twin myths of Multiculturalism and Meritocracy so central to Singapore's national image, and explores the history of the system forged by Lee Kuan Yew and carried forward to the modern day, where the elite Chinese scholar-solider rises to the upper echelons of power through personal ties and the patronage of an existing elite.
Barr breaks down the twin myths of Multiculturalism and Meritocracy so central to Singapore's national image, and explores the history of the system forged by Lee Kuan Yew and carried forward to the modern day, where the elite Chinese scholar-solider rises to the upper echelons of power through personal ties and the patronage of an existing elite.
March 28, 2021
Singaporeans and Malaysian should really read this book; Barr articulates so many things that we kind of know, but haven't really seen set in writing.
April 10, 2025
Good read ahead of the election. I was slightly horrified to see civil servants announced as PAP volunteers & potential candidates left and right. Glad this book gave me an explanation of how the pipeline works.
November 2, 2016
Nothing too foreign if you're not from Singapore, but must be quite the exciting read if you're not!
October 28, 2017
A necessary but frustrating read.
February 15, 2020
must read if you want to understand sg
June 20, 2021
Fantastically researched.
October 9, 2024
An important topic. Some good analysis, but ot does not come across as an amazing piece of research. Admitedly, very difficult to research both for methodological and for political reasons.
January 31, 2025
Must come back to this. It slapped me in the face and now I cannot take my past self seriously because he was so ignorant:-)
March 10, 2014
The Ruling Elite of Singapore is a brilliant publication, in which Michael Barr, a senior lecturer in International Relations at Flinders University, Australia, explores “the complex and covert networks of power” in the city-state of Singapore.
The text is divided into eight concise chapters, written in a clear, objective style that is not bloated with academic jargon. The content is juicy without being slanderous, and factual without being pedantic.
The book takes an incisive look at the “twin myths that Singapore is a meritocratic and multiracial society,” by revealing how the power of personal networks and the centrality of Chinese ethnicity form the true core of the networks of power and influence in Singapore.
The introduction gives a quick outline of the book, which is very useful for quick reference. I especially liked the summary for Chapter 3 (“a brief account of the historical evolution of the elite, the basis of its monopoly of power and the nature of its self-perception as a proud, self-satisfied elite”).
Chapter 5 features a quote by retired Permanent Secretary, Ngiam Tong Dow, who said in a 2003 interview:
This comment highlights a lack of diversity in the process of elite selection and elite formation. It reminded me of the case with Wee Shu Min in 2006 (who exuberantly advised all commoners to “get out of [her] elite uncaring face”). While this disgraceful incident was not mentioned in Barr’s book, it displayed the self-entitlement and snobbish behavior that often accompanies a closed, elitist mindset.
Barr takes note of “the Lee family’s supremacy” in Singapore with a reminder (through a quote by Hamilton-Hart) of how the Lees are “effectively off-limits as subjects of criticism.” Barr also mentions how Ho Ching and Lee Hsien Yang have never been brought to account for any part in running down the value of their respective government-linked companies. Instead, both were praised and rewarded, despite their companies having engaged in “high-risk ventures that failed spectacularly.”
In the final chapter, Barr is diplomatic in pointing out how even the scenario of an opposition victory would not “necessarily challenge the system bequeathed by Lee Kuan Yew.” The author offers some critical thoughts without being overly optimistic or judgmental, in an effort to determine how much change or continuity there will be in the near future of Singapore’s political situation.
The job of an objective academic or historian is neither to sing praises nor hurl insults. It is to gather information and study the facts, in order to provide analysis and insightful commentary in order to educate the reader. I believe Barr has done very well in this regard, with his book’s intense focus on Singapore’s “ruling elite.”
It reminds us that politicians are supposed to govern society, not simply reward themselves at the expense of their serfs, I mean, citizens, because they feel entitled to do so.
I would like to extend my sincere thanks to the author, Michael Barr, for expanding his original paper into a full-length book, to the prestigious I.B.Tauris for publishing the title (and providing fine editing), and to Palgrave Macmillan for distributing the title in North America, where I am currently residing.
-- By Jess: a former Singaporean who has a keen interest in the country, its people, and the direction of its leadership.
http://jesscscott.wordpress.com/2014/...
The text is divided into eight concise chapters, written in a clear, objective style that is not bloated with academic jargon. The content is juicy without being slanderous, and factual without being pedantic.
The book takes an incisive look at the “twin myths that Singapore is a meritocratic and multiracial society,” by revealing how the power of personal networks and the centrality of Chinese ethnicity form the true core of the networks of power and influence in Singapore.
The introduction gives a quick outline of the book, which is very useful for quick reference. I especially liked the summary for Chapter 3 (“a brief account of the historical evolution of the elite, the basis of its monopoly of power and the nature of its self-perception as a proud, self-satisfied elite”).
Chapter 5 features a quote by retired Permanent Secretary, Ngiam Tong Dow, who said in a 2003 interview:
“However good [Raffles Institution and Raffles Girls’ School] are and however brilliant their teachers are, the problem is that you are educating your elite in only two institutions, with only two sets of mentors.”
This comment highlights a lack of diversity in the process of elite selection and elite formation. It reminded me of the case with Wee Shu Min in 2006 (who exuberantly advised all commoners to “get out of [her] elite uncaring face”). While this disgraceful incident was not mentioned in Barr’s book, it displayed the self-entitlement and snobbish behavior that often accompanies a closed, elitist mindset.
Barr takes note of “the Lee family’s supremacy” in Singapore with a reminder (through a quote by Hamilton-Hart) of how the Lees are “effectively off-limits as subjects of criticism.” Barr also mentions how Ho Ching and Lee Hsien Yang have never been brought to account for any part in running down the value of their respective government-linked companies. Instead, both were praised and rewarded, despite their companies having engaged in “high-risk ventures that failed spectacularly.”
In the final chapter, Barr is diplomatic in pointing out how even the scenario of an opposition victory would not “necessarily challenge the system bequeathed by Lee Kuan Yew.” The author offers some critical thoughts without being overly optimistic or judgmental, in an effort to determine how much change or continuity there will be in the near future of Singapore’s political situation.
The job of an objective academic or historian is neither to sing praises nor hurl insults. It is to gather information and study the facts, in order to provide analysis and insightful commentary in order to educate the reader. I believe Barr has done very well in this regard, with his book’s intense focus on Singapore’s “ruling elite.”
It reminds us that politicians are supposed to govern society, not simply reward themselves at the expense of their serfs, I mean, citizens, because they feel entitled to do so.
I would like to extend my sincere thanks to the author, Michael Barr, for expanding his original paper into a full-length book, to the prestigious I.B.Tauris for publishing the title (and providing fine editing), and to Palgrave Macmillan for distributing the title in North America, where I am currently residing.
-- By Jess: a former Singaporean who has a keen interest in the country, its people, and the direction of its leadership.
http://jesscscott.wordpress.com/2014/...
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January 5, 2022Interesting book that mostly confirms the sense I got from growing up in Singapore and often seeing Chinese scholar men in power. It seems like the ruling elite values competence and trust, which is understandable. But it seems like they may not be as competent or trustworthy as they appear…
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