2012
Gessen is a powerful powerful writer. Very very clear. She has talked to SO many people who used to work for/with Putin or who otherwise observed him up close.
A MUST READ.
The last two substantive chapters are bone-chilling, Rule of Terror, and Insatiable Greed. She describes at some length what Khodokovsky and several others were doing before they got on Putin's wrong side. All such are either: dead, or in prison, or went into exile. The tale of American businessman William Browder is interesting. Also the story of economist Illarionov, who Putin appointed his personal economic advisor for many years.
Gessen tells us of many officials and intellectuals and businesspeople who long stayed hopeful and positive, that Russia now had rule of law, yet finally saw that the legal system in Putin's Russia is simply another tool for Putin to use to keep and strengthen his power [and eliminate anyone who seems to get in the way of that].
The extent of Putin's amassing of wealth went beyond my belief; I had thought it was simply a bad habit autocrats had, and a way to reward followers for loyalty. Gessen argues that with Putin it is a real psychological abberation. And contrasts it with his early emphasis on cultivating an image of refusing bribes however small.
Also shocking to me was that it took many years before American commentators saw Putin as any other than a competent reformer who was turning Russia into a 'good' capitalist country [well, US media say 'a democracy' when they mean a capitalist society]. Even The Economist caught on a few years before US media to Putin's severely autocratic tendencies. [The old adage: we all see what we want to see. But in this case, I suppose it is more accurate to say that as long as the big-business class saw Russia as a land of milk and honey for [US] capitalist ventures, the US media were happy to go along with that view [calling it 'becoming a democracy'.]
Quotes from the Review NYR 26 april 2012 by Anne Applebaum:
Andropov [head of KGB 1967-1982] understood very precisely the danger that ‘democrats’ and other free-thinking intellectuals posed to totalitarian regimes. He spent much of his KGB career stamping out dissident movements, locking people in prison, expelling them from the USSR, and sending them to psychiatric hospitals, a form of punishment invented during his tenure.
…
Putin had not only made his career in Andropov’s KGB, he also shared some similar experiences. As ambassador to Budapest, Andropov had been shocked when young Hungarians first called for democracy, then protested against the Communist establishment, and then took up arms against the regime. Putin had a similar experience in Dresden in 1989, where he witnessed mass street protests and the ransacking of the HQ of the Stasi. Both men drew the same conclusion: talk of democracy leads to protest, protest leads to attacks on the Chekists [secret police], better to stop all talk of democracy before it goes any further.
…
Gessen’s book, although focused on Putin and his rise to power, is at heart a description of this secret police milieu. Born in Andropov’s KGB, it subsequently gave rise to the Russian business and political elite, while never losing the deeply cynical worldview and twisted morality of the Soviet secret police. Putin did not bring this elite to power. On the contrary, it was already in place by the end of Yeltsin’s first presidential term in 1996, by which time Yeltsin, not Putin, had already restored many of the powers and privileges of the security services, and Yeltsin, not Putin, had overseen the redistribution of Russian’s natural resources to a tiny group of insiders.
…
The most intriguing of all Gessen’s characters is Marina Salye [died March 2012], a liberal St Petersburg politician who was chairwoman of the Leningrad City Council’s committee on food supplies in 1991. At that time, Sobchak was the mayor, Putin was his deputy, and Leningrad ran out of food. The Soviet economic system was imploding, there had been a tobacco riot and a sugar riot, and the city council negotiated the purchase of several trainloads of meat and potatoes. Salye was sent to Berlin to sign the contracts:
‘ “And when we get there,” Salye told me years later, still outraged, “and this Frau Rudolf with whom we were supposed to meet, she tells us she can’t see us because she is involved in urgent negotiations with the City of Leningrad on the subject of meat imports. Our eyes are popping out. because we are the City of Leningrad, and we are there on the subject of meat imports!” ‘
The meat never appeared The money Salye thought was earmarked for the purchase – 90 M deutschmarks – disappeared. Subsequently, Salye discovered that Putin, who then headed the mayor’s Committee for Foreign Relations, had been responsible for that swindle as well as many others. She learned that Putin, a trained lawyer, had knowingly entered into a dozen legally flawed contracts on behalf of the city, mostly involving the export of timber, oil, metals, cotton, and other raw materials. As Salye explained:
‘ “The point of the whole operation was this: to create a legally flawed contract with someone who could be trusted, to issue an export license to him, to make the customs office open the border on the basis of this license, to ship the goods abroad, sell them, and pocket the money. And that is what happened.” ‘
Although she couldn’t track most of the contracts, she did find documentation proving that Putin had arranged for the export of some $92 M worth of commodities in exchange for food that never arrived. She wrote her findings into a report for the Leningrad City Council, which passed it on to Sobchak, with a recommendation that he fire Putin and his deputy. Salye also passed the report to Pres. Yeltsin’s comptroller, who interviewed Sobchak and then passed the same conclusions on to Pres. Yeltsin. ‘And then,” writes Gessen, “nothing happened.”
The Leningrad City Council did not get rid of Putin. Instead, Putin – or rather mayor Sobchak – got rid of the Leningrad City Council, which was dissolved not long afterward. Salye left politics. In 2000 she wrote one final article about Putin’s years in St Petersburg. Its title: “Putin Is the President of a Corrupt Oligarchy.” That was her last public statement on the subject. Not long afterward […] she ran away. Gessen found her 10 years later, living in a tiny village 12 hours’ drive from Moscow. Even then she wouldn’t tell Gessen what or who had frightened her.