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264 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2013
Indians in Dubai participated in several forms of citizenship and belonging, including urban, substantive, neoliberal, and consumer. For example, middle-class Indians claimed Dubai, and especially the neighborhoods of old Dubai, as Indian cultural space, and they performed public belonging to the city through practices of consumption. And business owners often acted in the stead of citizen-kafeels by governing over other migrants. Moreover, Indians are subjectified by the state and by other institutions both as insiders and outsiders, and therefore they are imbricated just as much as ‘‘locals’’ in processes of governmentality. Certain Indians are policed as migrants, for example, and consigned to the outskirts of the city, while others are offered neoliberal forms of participation in the country’s economy, and still others have direct influence on state policy. Dubai Indians both participated in the production of their own exclusion and staked claims to belonging through criticisms of racial injustice, through nostalgia and historical memory, and through the production of geographic spaces of Indianness within the city. Indian businessmen, for example, simultaneously claimed no desire for Emirati citizenship even as they insisted that they ‘‘built this country.’’ And Dubai-born South Asian university students felt that Dubai was their home but that they were also ‘‘second-class citizens.’’ Indian foreign residents in Dubai are therefore, like all contemporary subjects, political. In fact, the very elision of their political subjectivities from scholarship about the Gulf participates in the production of official citizens, who supposedly were once docile but now increasingly make so-called democratic claims on a nonliberal state. What we mean by ‘‘democracy’’ within the Arab Spring therefore depends on the erasures enacted in much scholarship on the region to define the differences between citizen and noncitizen, and between economy and nation. (176)