This book is one of the best I've ever read. Ari Kelman, in 280 pages (an impressively concise book for such a complex and serious subject), explores what the Sand Creek Massacre meant in 1864, how its interpretation has been disputed since, and what it means today to different people.
Instead of a chronological telling of the massacre, a close following of the development of the Sand Creek Massacre memorial site guides the book’s narrative, which starts with the opening of the site in 2007. Immediately, I, as a reader, felt like I was in good hands. Kelman outlines who speaks at this ceremony and dissects what they say (and what they don’t) with the knowledge he has gathered writing the book. A county commissioner didn’t talk about the massacre at all but about the jobs the memorial site would create to assuage local concerns about the site’s effects on their way of life. He was followed by then-governor Bill Ritter, who, Kelman says, “offered an all-things-to-all-people speech,” in which he “focused on a safe message of healing through memorialization, extolling the resilience of Native people, and spoon-feeding his audience rhetorical pabulum by calling on Coloradans to ‘teach our children so that we never forget.’ Rather than demanding that the assembled crowd confront the massacre’s grim details, Ritter suggested that they should remember the image of comity constructed at the ceremony, which…abjured Chivington’s Sand Creek story by demonstrating that Native Americans and whites had finally ‘found a way to live in peace without conflict.’”
Kelman then outlines what the other settler speakers say; most of them offer self-congratulatory speeches, a washing of the hands. Other speakers follow. What stuck with me was that Little Coyote, the Northern Cheyenne tribal president, “reminded the assembled dignitaries that the Northern Cheyennes could not treat sickness with memories, could not feed their children on apologies, and could not find shelter within multicultural bromides.”
From the get, Kelman succinctly exposes the nuances surrounding people’s attitudes toward Sand Creek. How people have narrated its history to themselves and to each other is fascinating and Kelman does an excellent job of capturing the conviction, ambivalence, and agendas of all involved. He writes about the Native Americans’ understandable wariness of the federal government, here represented by the National Park System, the disagreements between Native American nations about the creation and maintenance of the site, scientists’ unintentionally offensive enthusiasm for the site, locals’ concerns about the effects of the site’s opening, and more. Kelman refuses to characterize Native Americans as a monolithic group of “noble savages” in much the same way he resists the urge to paint rural Coloradans as rednecks.
Kelman tackles these complex issues with the emotion they deserve without resorting to hyperbole or exaggeration and he does so using vivid, beautiful language. The people in the book are real to me. Especially interesting to me were Black Kettle, a leader of the Southern Cheyenne who survived the massacre, Alexa Roberts, the NPS employee that oversaw much of the memorial’s development, brothers Steve Brady and Otto Braided Hair, whose great-grandfather was at Sand Creek, and Silas Soule, a captain with the Colorado 3rd who refused to let those under him participate in the massacre. Soon after the massacre, Soule started writing to as many people as he could, calling the massacre what it was and asking for an investigation into Chivington. Days after he testified against Chivington, he was murdered in the street at the age of 26; many believe he was murdered because of his testimony.
Jim Druck, a Jewish businessman, also interested me. He bought the site and gave it to the victims’ descendants in exchange for an advantageous business contract with them. But his decision was driven by more than business savvy. “At Sand Creek,” he said, “I could see that they were feeling the same things that I felt at Dachau…I could see in their eyes, I could see in their body language, what they were feeling. It’s crushing. You can’t talk. You can’t say anything.”
I’ve lived in Denver for nearly a decade now and have passed by place names peppered throughout the book. I worked on Wynkoop Street for five years, I lived near Downing Street in Capitol Hill, I’ve driven down Evans and past Byers. I figured that, like most cities, these names came from racist, profit-motivated settlers. I was depressingly correct. I wish that these place names were replaced with Soule or Black Kettle or something that doesn’t honor the people who committed atrocities. (And they were atrocities. Eyewitness accounts (from whites and Native Americans) relate how a pregnant woman was eviscerated, her fetus ripped from her, how the soldiers raped the women, how most of the dead were scalped, how the soldiers cut off the genitals of the murdered to bring back home as trophies, and more.)
Kelman highlights how the Sand Creek was not an aberration or the work of a few “bad apples,” as military apologists will have you believe, but a logical result of years of federal policy designed to exterminate Native Americans and take their land. He points out how much Governor Evans was intent on making Colorado a state (and that he wanted to be its first senator) and how he saw Native Americans as an impediment to “progress,” the progress, this time, taking the form of a railroad. He also examines how the wars fought between Native Americans and settlers were not separate from the Civil War but rather a logical outgrowth of it. Lincoln needed another Union state for reelection, and while Colorado did not gain statehood until 1876, the push for statehood meant that Native Americans had to go.
Kelman never once questions that the massacre was a battle, which I appreciated. From the very beginning, it’s clear that he won’t be distracted by people foaming at the mouth about “political correctness,” people obsessed with a fictitious story that characterizes settlers and federal policy toward Native Americans as positive. As Primo Levi wrote, “Those who deny Auschwitz would be ready to remake it.” By systematically meeting these deniers with evidence, Kelman effectively and respectfully shows that they are wrong.
Perhaps the book’s greatest strength is in its refusal to accept any sort of easy healing and its insistence on connecting the past to the present and the future. He doesn’t shy away from hard truths and encourages us to face our past, and ourselves, honestly.