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Paperback
First published May 28, 2004
Deterrence can be a technique, a doctrine and a state of mind. In all cases it is about setting boundaries for actions and establishing the risks associated with the crossing of those boundaries. These are key activities in all societies. In international relations these activities dominate diplomatic activity and military provisions. During the cold war, this effort became focused on the superpower confrontation, dominated by nuclear deterrence, to the point where it sucked in all theory. The study of deterrence became synonymous with the study of the strategic conduct of the cold war. The confrontation defined the concept rather than the concept the confrontation.What really impressed me about Freedman's book is his resistance to join the chorus of dogmatic deterrence blather. There is compelling reason to believe that deterrence theory is compatible with post-cold war interactions; and all puns aside, the author does well to reiterate to the reader that its application is dependent upon the novel situation presented at the time. International relations is dominated by uncertainty and constantly changing values and interests. The author beats the repetitive drum that there is little hope of determent should the implementer of the policy ignore the intricacies of the situations and over-rely upon cold war dogma.
The multifacted nature of strategic relationships requires accomodating a variety of pressures and considering a range of possible responses. Governments may incline towards certain types of strategic posture, or at least acquire a reputation for being too trigger-happy or too soft, but in the end whether they opt to coerce, control or conciliate will depend on their assessments of the situations in which they find themselves, in all their complexity.Freedman frames the discussion by traversing the topic of deterrence from its historical roots, through its dogmatic (yet successful) bi-polar cold war application, to the present day application. His brief segue into the concepts of preventative war and pre-emption was particularly fruitful in distinguishing the two concepts from one another, as well as clarifying its possible interaction with deterrence and compellence with laser focus upon clarifying the outcomes in terms of control or coercion. This discussion naturally compels the reader into considering second- and third-order effects for the parties involved within the mechanisms of control or coercion.
It is certainly possible to come up with propositions about when, in particular conditions, certain types of deterrence are more or less likely to work. But the concept requires considerable differentiation, according to the ambition of the task, the number of actors involved and the degree of the antagonism. Students of international relations may find this interesting and worthwhile, but practitioners may find it frustrating, as [deterrence theory] provides little reliable guidance for policy other than to suggest that close attention is paid to the specifics of a situation rather than a reliance on vague generalizations.I believe this final statement is of particular importance because of the amount of uncertainty and chaos that swirling within international interactions of concern. Freedman's statement develops strong recall of concepts from James Gleick's Chaos, Sun Tzu, John Boyd's Discourse on Winning and Losing, Thomas Schelling's The Strategy of Conflict and Arms and Influence, and especially Bruce Bueno de Mesquita's The War Trap, Bueno de Mesquita and Lalman's War and Reason.