بالنسبـة لفريد زكريا ، ليس الحدث الأبرز في زمننا هـو انحدار أميركا بل نهوض جميع البلدان الأخـرى – نمو دول أخرى مثل الصين والهند والبرازيل وروسيا وجنوب إفريقية وكينيا، والكثير، الكثير غيرها. هـذا النمو الاقتصادي ينتج تحولا في القوة والنفوذ وتدفقاً في الثروة والإبتكارات في أماكـن غـير متوقعة. وهو ينتج أيضـاً ثقة سياسية وفخراً قومياً. ومع استمرار هذه الظواهر، فإن القوة الدافعة للعولمة ستقابل بصورة متزايدة بقوة جاذبة، هي الشعور القومي – توتر يحتمل بأن يميز العقود القادمة. بوضوحـه وبصيرتـه ومخيلته المعتـادة، يستند زكريا إلى العبر المستمدة مـن التحولين العظيمين في القـوى خـلال القرون الخمس الماضية – نهوض العالم الغربي ونهوض الولايات المتحدة - ليعلمنا بمـا يمكـن أن نتوقعه من التحول الثالث، «نهوض البقية». ينبغي على واشنطـن أن تشرع بعملية تحـول جـدي في استراتيجيتها العالمية، وأن تسعى لمشاركة الآخرين في السلطة، وأن تكون تحالفات جديدة، وتبني شرعية لنفسها، وتحدد الأجندة العالمية. بالطبع، لن يكون أي مما سبق سهلا بالنسبة لأعظم قوة شهدها العالم - القوة الوحيدة المؤثرة فعلياً منذ وقت طويل. غير أن كل هذا يتغير الآن، فالمستقبل الذي نواجهه هو عالم ما بعد أميركا.
Fareed Rafiq Zakaria is an Indian-born American journalist, political commentator, and author. He is the host of CNN's Fareed Zakaria GPS and writes a weekly paid column for The Washington Post. He has been a columnist for Newsweek, editor of Newsweek International, and an editor at large of Time.
مع ان عنوان الكتاب يأخذنا الى ما بعد أمريكا عسكريا. ولكن الكتاب يشرح بكل حيادية وشفافية عن ان مكانة أمريكا الاقتصادية اخذة في التراجع بعد ظهور عمالقة اقتصاديين جدد. الاتحاد الاوروبي روسيا الصين الهند يختار المؤلف مثالين هما الصين والهند كقوتين اقتصاديتين ستنافس أمريكا بعد سنوات.
ويسلط الضوء هلى الامبراطورية البريطانية التي فقدت مكانتها بعد الحرب العالمية الاولى ويذكر الأخطاء التي وقعت بها.
ويوضح الكاتب ان سبب قوة أمريكا هي انها منفتحة على الجميع وديناميكية مجتمعها الذي يصهر الأفراد في مجتمع أمريكي مبدع وطموح. وان مشكلة أمريكا الحالية هي سياسية وليست اقتصادية، وان أخطاءها السياسية المنفردة ستفقدها مكانتها.
الكتاب طبعا تم تأليفه قبل وصول ترامب الى الرئاسة فما الذي سيقوله المؤلف الان عن انفتاح أمريكا.
I'll say at the outset that I like Fareed Zakaria. He's articulate, reasonable, moderate, and optimistic. And he is the successor to George Kennan and Zbigniew Brzezinski in the role of theorist for US corporate imperialism. I will not be surprised if he gets an appointment in the upcoming Obama administration as, for example, Assistant Deputy Director of strategic Analysis for the State Department.
Zakaria takes it as an obvious given that the era of US hegemony is drawing to a close. The US will be overtaken as the world's largest market by 2040, according to Goldman Sachs (and we have no reason in this case to believe that they are wrong), and we have already lost our position as the leader in technology and manufacturing. But, don't worry, the US still has a role to play, and can even thrive in the new multipolar world; we just have to make some 'adjustments'.
Zakaria claims that the US has been a liberalizing and modernizing force, striving always to bring the virtues of democracy and liberal market economies to the world. And this is where the fundamental flaws in Zakaria's analysis are most obvious. Zakaria continues the western intellectual tradition of portraying history as the interplay of nations, ignoring the class structure within those nations. To claim that the US strives for democracy is contradicted by the facts - in fact there is a high correlation between US support for foreign states and the incidence of human rights violations in those states. Iran 1954, Chile 1973, Nicaragua 1935, 1950s, and 1980s, South Vietnam in the 1960s, Guatemala and Honduras in the 1980s, ongoing support for Saudi Arabia, financial and military support for Saddam Hussein throughout the 1980s, the propaganda attacks on Venezuela today - all these are the counter-examples that Zakaria passes silently by. The theory that the US now and in the past has worked for democracy is simply false. An alternative theory, that the US government works at all times and in all ways to advance the interests of US corporations (and now international corporations) fits the facts much more closely and without the obvious and embarrassing counter-examples.
Trade policy, the tail that wags the foreign policy dog, is equally poorly treated by Zakaria's flawed theory of history. He claims, apparently without irony, that the US has worked tirelessly to teach developing countries the virtues of 'free trade'. But to sustain this argument one must ignore the fact that 'free trade' for the US has always meant that developing countries must give up their indigenous farming and industry in order to form a cadre of virtual slave labor for whatever enterprise is desired by US corporations, whether that enterprise is industrial or agricultural in nature. And, of course, it means that whatever natural resources the developing country has must belong to those US corporations. Any country that sees such an arrangement as unjust, Venezuela for example, is attacked bitterly by intellectuals like Zakaria. Nowhere does Zakaria admit the possibility that US trade agreements are not in the interest of US workers or of workers in the other countries. He can't admit this possibility because class plays no part in his analysis or in his thinking.
Sadly, as likable as Zakaria is, he has written a worthless book, another in a long line of theoretical tracts by ruling class intellectuals. If you want to understand the world in a more consistent way, in a way more consistent with reality, read Chomsky.
Update April 2023: People keep "liking" this review and I honestly don't know why. My prediction that Zakaria would get a slot in the Obama administration was flat out wrong, and most of the review is ideological ranting. I still have the ideology, but feel that I could have put a bit more effort into a detailed analysis of Zakaria's arguments.
Anyway, I've been 98% off of goodreads ever since they killed the API, and only noticed that people are *still* liking this review when I was cleaning up my email.
Really, though, is this book a class assignment somewhere? Are people liking the review because they hate having to read it? I'm baffled.
This is the kind of work that makes a body wish President Bush would read books. The author's point is that diplomacy is America's strength, and it should be used first with force held as a last resort, especially in a world where the US is not the only superpower anymore due to the growing influence of countries in the developing world.
'The Rise of the Rest' is what Mr Zakaria uses to refer to the economic and political growth in developing countries, principally (but not limited to) India and China. Globalization and the opening of international trade has generated great improvements in living standards lifting many millions of people out of poverty across the globe. India and China have been most noticeable because of their sheer size, accounting for over a sixth of the human race between them. India's and China's stories are, of course, slightly different. China has a lot of advantages (from their government's point of view) in that they can ride roughshod over the wishes of its people in the interests of achieving economic goals, whereas in democratic countries such as the UK, people have more freedom to object to development that will adversely affect their standard of living or property values. A proposed expansion of Heathrow Airport meets many obstacles in the form of objections from local residents, whereas in China it's possible for the government to just build an entire airport and sweep anyone out of the way who gets in it. India also has similar checks and balances as Western countries in that great public works projects are subject to objection from local people, and so their growth isn't quite at the same breathtaking pace as China's, but it is still impressive nonetheless.
However strong their performance on the economic stage, it will be a long time before China or India reach the same levels of domination as the US has today. Nor do they seem to want to. China certainly has no interest in becoming the world's policeman. Ending centuries of self-imposed isolation, China's main interest for now is in securing its own borders, reining in runaway regions, and protecting its own interests. Similarly, India is more interested in continuing to build its own prosperity than imposing its own democratic values on the rest of the world. The USA is likely to remain the only major power wishing to export its values as well as its goods.
While international political structures are useful, some of them, like the UN Security Council, are hopelessly out of date. Japan and Germany are among the world's biggest economic powers but still don't have permanent seats on the council just because they were on the losing side in the second world war. Nevertheless, the USA remains the power that people go to in search of a diplomatic solution to international disputes, and that is likely to remain the case for quite some time.
Zakaria goes on to discuss the complexities of nuclear proliferation and to make suggestions on how to deal with this and other problems. The Iraq war is touched upon, remarking on how it is sign of America's unchecked power that it was able to launch an unprovoked war on Iraq and dupe other countries into helping it. The author approves of the end result of ousting of Saddam Hussein, but disapproves of the botched post-invasion occupation and the sheer incompetence of it.
The overall tone is non-partisan and contains none of the childish and heated conservative/liberal bombast that pollutes so much of the bookshelves these days. This writer doesn't fall neatly into the liberal/conservative pigeonholes that some commentators seem determined to push everyone into. The facts are there, the bibliography is extensive, and the case is made very well. If only work of this caliber were more widely read.
This book as been on my reading list for a long time but it was moved to the top a few weeks ago when a distant relation of mine sent one of those hate/chain emails with a picture of President Obama holding a copy of the book. The message read:
"THIS WILL CURDLE YOUR BLOOD AND CURL YOUR HAIR! The name of the book that Obama is reading called: The Post American World, and it was written by a fellow Muslim. "Post" America means the World After America! Please forward this picture to everyone you know, conservative or liberal, Democrat or Republican, Folks we need to be aware of what our President is reading and thinking -- or planning!
"We must expose Obama's radial ideas and and his intent to bring down our beloved America!"
I immediately sent a reply back to my relative saying, "Thanks for bringing this to my attention. As a naturalized American citizen, Fareed Zakaria has always had a very unique perspective. I found the book listed on good reads with rating of 3.85 on a scale of 5 (with over a sample of over 4,000 ratings). Sounds like it might be a really good book."
There are so many things wrong with the email, but I'm going to just stick with the topic of the book. Now after having read it, I wish I had forwarded my comment to everyone on the email thread and not just replied only to sender. Everyone should be reading this book and I'm very glad to know that our President has read it. The book is not about the decline of America although there are some things things you can definitely point to as examples of possible decline. But the book is about the rise of EVERYONE ELSE and how we should respond to that. This is a good thing with great opportunity. Obviously, the author of the hate mail had no idea what the book was actually about. It's very pro-America in its assessments and its recommendations. Although I can find numerous small things to argue and nitpick within the book, I give it a hearty five stars!
فرید زکریا مجری با سابقه شبکه سیانان، سردبیر و ستوننویس روزنامهها و مجلات مطرح آمریکا و تحلیلگر سیاسی، به مانند اثر قبلیای که از وی خواندهام (آینده آزادی)، توانسته است علوم سیاسی و ژورنالیسم را به هم پیوند بزند و در اختیار خواننده بگذارد.
زکریا را شاید بشود در طیف دموکراتهای میانهروی آمریکا به حساب آورد و از او به عنوان فردی لیبرال-محافظهکار یاد کرد. زکریا متولد هند است اما از 18 سالگی به آمریکا مهاجرت کرده است و در پی "رویای آمریکایی"، تحصیل و پیشرفت در این سرزمین بوده است. مجله اسکوایر در سال 1999 از وی به عنوان "یکی از مهمترین شخصیتهای قرن بیست و یکم" یاد کرد و همین امر نیز بر اهمیت دنبال کردن گفتههای او دلالت دارد. از گفتههای وی به هیچوجه نمیتوان برداشتی یک جانبهگرا داشت. اما او همچون یک آمریکایی وطندوست در راستای منافع این کشور قلم میزند. البته تفاوت وی در این است که نظراتش در حوزهی سیاست خارجه نه بر مبنای یک واقعگرایی صرف که یک واقعگراییِ لیبرال است و در کنار دستیابی به منافع آمریکا بر حصول منافع دیگر کشورها نیز تاکید دارد.
زکریا در این کتاب که به نام جهان پَسا-آمریکایی نامگذاری شده است، و در سال 2007 نگارش شده است، خبر از نه غروب آمریکا که خبر از طلوع دیگران میدهد. پس از پایان جنگ سرد که منجر به پایان نظام دوقطبی بینالملل شد، آمریکا یکهتاز جهان به شمار میرفت و این خبر از آغاز یک جهان تکقطبی میداد. بحثهای پرشماری در محافل گوناگون دانشگاهی در پی این موضوع شکل گرفت. بسیاری خبر از دوام این نظام میدادند و بسیاری خبر از تزلزل آن. در این بین ساموئل هانتینگتون به درستی خبر از یک نظام تک-چندقطبی داد و این به معنای وجود یک ابر قدرت به نام آمریکا و ظهور دیگر قدرتهای جهانی همچون چین، روسیه، اروپا، هند و... خواهد بود. همان چیزی که زکریا از آن به عنوان خیزش دیگران یاد میکند و این موضوع را داستان بزرگ نسل ما میداند. او معتقد است "آمریکا دیگر به تنهایی نمیتواند رهبری اقتصادی، ژئوپلتیکی جهان را برعهده داشته باشد و بر فرهنگ جهان چیره باشد." او معتقد است در جهان کنونی ثروت و قدرت دائم در حال جابهجایی خواهد بود و آمریکا به عنوان تنها ابرقدرت دیگر تنها بازیگر جهان نیست و باید به عنوان یک بازیگر مهم در کنار دیگر بازیگران ایفای نقش کند.
کتاب در 7 فصل با تکیه بر تاریخ و نیز نقل قولهای بسیاری از افراد برجسته و اندیشمند دانشگاهی و سیاسی به تبیین این موضوع میپردازد. از تهدید اسلامی و حوادث 11 سپتامبر تا رشد فناوری و علم، خیزش ناسیونالیسم و مشکلات پیش روی جهان.
کتاب در دو بخش جدا به تشریح و تبیین نظام سیاسی و اقتصادی چین و هند میپردازد. دو کشوری که امروز پس از 11 سال از تاریخ نگارش کتاب به سرعت در حال رشد اقتصادی و پیشروی اند. زکریا در همین حین که به اصلاحات اقتصادی و ساختاری چین پس از روی کار آمدن شیائوپینگ و واگذاری نسبی اقتصاد به بازار که منجر به رفاه و کاهش فقر مطلق شده است میپردازد در همین راستا ویژگیهای بد چین و اقتصاد آن را نیز بازگو میکند. او معتقد است آزادی اقتصادی، چین را از حالت اقتدارگرایانهی دوران مائو خارج ساخته است و به رشد طبقه متوسط منجر شده است اما هنوز که هنوزه این رشد کافی نیست و چین اصطلاحا به "جایگاه درآمد میانه" که لازمه تحول دموکراتیک است نرسیده است و سیاسیون چین نیز نمیتوانند تا انتها با همین روند اقتدارگرایی پیش روند و به رشد اقتصادی دست یابند و باید رشد و توسعه سیاسی را نیز لحاظ کنند. زکریا با مقایسه بریتانیای اواسط قرن نوزدهم که در آن زمان تنها ابرقدرت جهان به شمار میرفت با حال و روز امروز آمریکا به این نتیجه میرسد که آمریکای امروز به مراتب قدرتمندتر، در تمام زمینهها، از بریتانیای آن روز است اما این به معنای خوشخیالی و ادامه این روند نخواهد بود و سیاستمدارن آمریکایی باید دست به تحولات ساختاری بزنند تا بتوانند این ابرقدرتی امروز را حفظ و ادامه دهند. او مشکل امروز آمریکا را نه اقتصادی که سیاسی میداند و انتقادات بیشماری به سیاست خارجی آمریکا وارد میکند. از جنگ عراق تا غرور و خاصپنداری سیاستمداران آمریکا و عدم توجه به دیگران و نداشتن عمق و وسعت بینش و تصمیم گیری. او در دو فصل پایانی به صورت مفصل به انتقاد از سیاسیون آمریکا پرداخته و همچنین پیشنهادات راهبردی خود را نیز مطرح میسازد.
کتاب سرشار از اطلاعات مفید سیاسی و تاریخی است و به رشد دانش سیاسی خواننده میافزاید و بینش وسیع و عمیقی را در اختیار علاقهمندان به نظام سیاسی جهان میگذارد.
I finished this last night and I must say that although it starts off strong I grew very weary. Zakaria could have accomplished the same purpose with a feature in a magazine, in 2000 words. I'm glad I read it, I'm working on broadening my perspective, and there is much about the international finance world I never even began to imagine. It never hurts to be told something more than once - just around time eight or ten I grow weary. Good stuff, though. Time not wasted.
1/30: So far I'm moving through this surprisingly fast. Zakaria has called WW2 "Stalin's War" and says that the efforts of the Americans and the British were just a minimal contribution on the minor front. Is that true? Was the bulk of the war fought on the Eastern front?
This is an important and optimistic book about America and its future. While it is fashionable now to predict gloom about America's future as an economic and political power and over emphasise the rise of China and other powers, Zakaria brings a balance thru his analysis and says that there is no need to push the panic button. On the contrary, he shows the many positives about America as well as the world today. For example, in spite of the terrorism and violence, he shows that the past 20 years have been some of the most 'peaceful' - relatively - period of the world. The main theme of the book is that the US is not in decline but that 'others are rising'. And that is actually for the good and that it is the result of the active spread of globalization that the US championed. Zakaria advances a good deal of statistics and analysis to back his contention. He also advances his contention that the Chinese political leadership is circumspect and moderate in the sense that it wants to rise peacefully rather than aggressively. This is a contention that is probably more his belief than a forcefully argued conclusion. The author cites examples of other Asian countries becoming democratic as a result of their crossing the threshold of $5000 in per capita GDP. China is currently at $2500 but he does not speculate whether the same will happen with China. However, he feels that the political system in the US is not keeping pace with the changes that are needed. He says: "As it enters the 21st century, the US is not fundamentally a weak economy or decadent society. But its politics is highly dysfunctional.The political system is antiquated and is captured by money, special interests and a sensational media." Zakaria says that the changes in the political system, if at all any, have not kept pace with the needs, ambitions and goals to be the leading nation in the world. In this sphere, Zakaria seems to accept what seems to be apparent to everyone. Whereas on the economic or cultural front, Zakaria digs deeper and shows that what seems to meet the eye at first glance is not the reality but that the reality is actually more positive and hopeful. Is the same thing possible even about the political system if one digs deeper and find that the political system, even though it may not be ideal, is probably keeping pace with the needed changes? He talks at length about Indian democracy. After all, the political system in India started out differently after independence in 1947 but one saw that gradually, the politicians in a democratic set up gradually saw the writing on the wall and changed to accommodate reality. One can see how the systems in the neighbouring countries in the Indian subcontinent refused to change with the times and paid the price or still keep paying the price. He also draws upon the decline of Britain as a superpower. He says that despite some eerie parallels between the position of the United States today and that of the British Empire a century ago, there are key differences. Britain's decline was driven by bad economics. The United States, in contrast, has the strength and dynamism to continue shaping the world -- but only if it can overcome its political dysfunction and reorient U.S. policy for a world defined by the rise of other powers. It is a book that brings much for discussion and is well-researched. I enjoyed reading it and found it thought provoking.
Fareed Zakaria's new book, "The Post-American World," shines a bright light on the hand-wringing and defeatist lies about the state of America that are used by neo-conservatives and anti-globalist leftists to support their radical positions by infusing Americans with fear. Indeed, Mr. Zakaria decisively shows that America is the sole ideological superpower in a world that has wholesale adopted our culture and economic values. We are now witnessing a global transformation that is the result of the most dramatic export of culture in the history of the world. We won.
Mr. Zakaria was born in Mumbai, India and attended Yale University, where he was tapped for the elite senior fraternity Scroll and Key, a club whose members included my former boss Bobby Shriver and his father Sargent. He is currently the editor at Newsweek and is considered a moderate realist. His writings promote his vision of a world that moves towards liberal democratic societies with free markets. His latest book makes a persuasive case that the world is moving in the right direction, that the world is less violent than anytime in human history and that United States should utilize its strengths to keep a strong position in the world while realizing that a multi-polar world is at hand in the coming decades.
Mr. Zakaria notes that most nation-states are transforming their societies into relatively open societies that mimic the Anglo-American classical liberal philosophy and are aggressively implemented free market principles. The transformation is paying off and vast swaths of humanity are rising out of poverty and mimicking our consumer oriented economy. America is not declining. The rest of the world is rising.
Instead of pissing our pants in fear, we need to accept the fact that the world is becoming more like us and, as a result, nations like China, India, Russia, Brazil, South Africa and Indonesia will capture a larger share of the world's economic pie. This transformation is a sign that we won the idealogical war. Mr. Zakaria argues that it is in America's interest to take a collaborative approach to foreign policy that restores a sense of respect (instead of fear) to the growing economic nations. He advises that America should look more to a Bismarkian foreign policy that ensures every nation has better relations with us than any other competitors. Instead, we have spent the last eight years buying into the imperialist mindset of 19th Century Britain that operates by fiat.
Finally, Mr. Zakaria notes that America is not the lost cause that naysayers seem to portray. Our higher education system is the greatest in the world, by many magnitudes. Further, the conventional wisdom is that our elementary and high schools are dismal. In fact, America's educational system produces graduates who are less adept at rote memorization but with creative thinking skills that enable American workers to innovate and adapt far quicker than our Asian and European competitors. The problem is not quality but access for more young Americans. According to Mr. Zakaria, America is a successful economic power. Our weakness lies in our political system that is unable to make relatively minor changes that will strengthen our position of power (e.g., health care and retirement funding).
I hope that thinking Americans will read "The Post-American World" and that right and left-wing fear-mongering will release its hold on our still great nation.
I have a lot to say about this book but I don't have the time at the moment...
Here's The New Republic, pretty much saying what I have to say about the book, if not the other works I've read (columns, interviews, etc):
"Fareed Zakaria is enormously important to an understanding of many things, because he provides a one-stop example of conventional thinking about them all. He is a barometer in a good suit, a creature of establishment consensus, an exemplary spokesman for the always-evolving middle. He was for the Iraq war when almost everybody was for it, criticized it when almost everybody criticized it, and now is an active member of the ubiquitous “declining American power” chorus. When Obama wanted to trust the Iranians, Zakaria agreed (“They May Not Want the Bomb,” was a story he did for Newsweek); and, when Obama learned different, Zakaria thought differently. There’s something suspicious about a thinker always so perfectly in tune with the moment. Most of Zakaria’s appeal is owed to the A-list aura that he likes to give off—“At the influential TED conference ...” began a recent piece in The New York Times. On his CNN show, he ingratiates himself to his high-powered guests. This mix of elitism and banality is unattractive. And so is this: “My friends all say I’m going to be Secretary of State,” Zakaria told New York magazine in 2003. “But I don’t see how that would be much different from the job I have now.” Zakaria later denied making those remarks."
این کتاب تماما بر اساس پروپاگاندای رسانه ای امریکا شکل گرفته از همان ابتدا که مطرح میکند این کتاب درباره افول امریکا نیست بلکه درباره خیزش دیگران است و بعد وضعیت چین و هند به عنوان دو کشور مهم در حال خیزش را بررسی میکند و یک خط در میان یادآوری میکند که هیچ کدام امکان ندارد بتوانند جای امریکا را بگیرند فصلی که درباره مدرنیته غیرغربی حرف میزد جالب بود و این که مدرنیته در دستان چین ممکن است کارکرد دیگری در جهان داشته باشد اما نه چندان متفاوت با مسیری که حالا دارد طی میکند چند وقت پیش مناظره ایلان ماسک (که حالا به لطف فرود کاوشگر روی مریخ همه با ایشان آشنا هستید) با یان ما مسئول سایت علی بابا را دیدم و به این نتیجه رسیدم چینی ها خیلی خنگ تر و خوش خیال تر از آن هستند که مدرنیته در دستان آنها بتواند تبدیل به ابزار قدرت بشود. در حالی که اسپیلبرگ سی سال پیش به چالش اخلاقی در قبال هوش مصنوعی فکر میکرد چینی ها هنوز اصل مسئله را ادراک نکرده اند. فرید زکریا جاذبه های یک اندیشه کنفوسیوسی برای جهان را با تاریخچه اش بررسی میکند اما میداند و میدانیم چین امروز ربطی به کنفوسیوس ندارد خلاصه کتاب خیلی حالت رپرتاژ تبلیغاتی با آمار و ارقام حاکی از ثبات اقتصاد امریکا داشت. فکر بکنید اسم دو تا از فصلهای کتاب «اقتدار امریکا» و «عزم امریکا» بود! اطمینان بخشیدن به سیاستمداران امریکا در این رابطه که هیچ خطری حتی یک دهم حملات 11 سپتامبر امریکا را تهدید نمیکند و انذار دادن به جمهوری خواه ها که کمتر وحشی باشند و تمجید از نامزد دموکراتی مثل اوباما که مظهر صلح و صفا است و چهره خراب امریکا در جهان را بازسازی میکند برای شناختن رویه ها و رویکردهای سیاستمداران امریکایی در قبال مسائل جهان البته بدک نیست
Fareed Zakaria is clearly an effective communicator. I saw him speak at my college as a lad of 18 or 19, and he was just as compelling then as in the Post-American World. He presents an obvious idea-- that American hegemony is being/has been displaced by a more global, multipolar power structure-- and presents it as an effective journalist.
And he is as unsophisticated a political thinker as he is a great writer. For a scholar who claims to cast aside the old weaponry of ideology and theory, he seems to invest an awful lot of time into the defense of a sort of glib Reaganism that he claims is "non-ideological" or "realism" or some such B.S. Zakaria writes in a rarefied and blissful sphere in which class conflict plays no role in day-to-day life, in which violence is entirely the roles of market and state cleave cleanly apart into separate spheres, in which culture and development are entirely separate entities, and in which free markets and liberal-democratic governance always prevail. I wish I could live in this airy realm, but sadly, I live in our present reality, and thus have no use for the man's bromides.
شاید چون انتظارم از این کتاب بالا بود و برای همین توی ذوقم خورد
واقعا شرایط یک کتاب آکادمیک را نداشت و صرفا یک مانیفست توجیهی برای ستاد انتخاباتی باراک اوباما بود. بی دلیل چین را متهم و هند را ستایش کرده است؛ در حالی که دلیل متقنی برای ادعاهایش ارائه نمیکند
نگاه کاملا منفی به ایران و کشورهای مخالف آمریکا را هم باید لحاظ کرد
در مجموع اگر بخوانیدش بد نیست و اگر هم نخوانید چیزی را از دست نداده اید
This book is probably the most timely book on world economics and political dynamics that you can find. It updates a lot of old statistics and misconceptions all while leaving a really nice taste in your mouth for whats to come. I would recommend this book to everyone who wants to know what's behind the goings-on in the world. Despite the title Zakaria continues to remind the reader that America still plays a vital role in the world and where the United States is able to have the largest impact. Zakaria has definitly done his research on culture, history, politics, economics, trade as well as a multitude of other important topics. He throws in a bit of humor along the way, but you really get a feel this is probably the smartest guy you've ever had the privilege of reading. very enjoyable for the material it's tackling.
على رغم أن الشهرةَ التي نالها الكتابُ أتتْ من لقطةٍ ظهر فيها الرئيسُ أوباما وهو حاملٌ له، إلا أنه يبقى كتابا جديرا بالقراءةِ فريدُ زكريا الأمريكي المسلمُ من أصلٍ هندي يقولُ لنا في كتابِه هذا أن هنالك لاعبونَ جددٌ في الساحةِ، ظاهرون منذ زمنٍ وزادتْ ثقتُهم بأنفسِهم أكثر حين الأزمةِ العالميةِ إذ أيقنوا أن النظامَ الرأسمالي هشٌ وبهِ ثغراتٌ، بالطبعِ لن ينزعوا الصدارةَ منها ولكنهم يتقدمون، وأبرزُ مثالين هما الصينُ أولا ثم الهندُ. يُذكِّرُ كذلك واشنطنَ بما جَنَتْهُ لندنُ على نفسها في القرنِ المنصرمِ حين بلغتْ أوج عظمتِها التي سرعانَ ما ذابت وانكمشتْ، فيتتبع عناصرَ الضعفِ في ضوء التغيرات الحاصلةِ آنذاك ويقارنُ مع وضعِ واشنطن الحالي هل تسيرُ في الاتجاهِ نفسه أم أن وضعَها مختلفٌ؟ كتاب جديرٌ بالقراءةِ، وفي بعض أجزائِه صعوبةٌ لأنه برأيي يحتاجُ لمقدماتٍ ضروريةٍ في علمِ الاقتصادِ، ومن المهم قرائتُه كذلك بعيدًا عن بعضِ مواقف فريد خصوصا تأييدُه لاحتلالِ العراق حينها
هو از دهه ۱۹۷۰ این موضوع افول آمریکا توسط خود آمریکایی ها مطرح شد... یک بار با ژاپن، یک بار با آلمان، یک بار با چین و... . پیامد این ایده تکاپوی دائمی برای بهبود وضعیت آمریکا در روابط بین الملل و یک جورایی چینش این نظم بین الملل هست... در این کتاب میفرمایند که جهان پس از آمریکا به معنای سقوط آمریکا نیست، به معنای پایان دوران تک صدایی آمریکاست و یه جورایی شاخ شدن بقیه برای آمریکاست! و حالا چه کنیم که آمریکا راس هرم بماند؛ در کتاب این را توضیح دادند... برای همین یک دور کوتاهی در چند کشور میزند و برمی گردد و طرح آینده میچیند... طرح اصلی که از زمان اوباما پیگیری شده هم قدم کردن دیگران با آمریکاست... تو این کتاب زکریا بهترین هم پیمان رو هند معرفی می کنه... یه غرور خاص هندی_آمریکایی داشت این آقای زکریا... این بود انشای من!
وبالرغم من كوننا في الشرق الأوسط وفي مصر على وجه التحديد،يعني في وسط العالم تقريبا، فكان لابد وأن تكون رؤيتنا للعالم أكثر اتساعا وتوازنا مما هي عليه الآن. وهذا كتاب أدعي أنه مثير للاهتمام بما يطرحه من حقائق وآراء، ومعين على توسعة الرؤية الحالية والمستقبلية.
فريد زكريا من أشهر الصحفيين في الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية، من أصل هندي، ومسلم. جاء الى أمريكا في شبابه وحصل على الجنسية الأمريكية. يكتب في أشهر وسائل الاعلام الغربية منها النيوزويك، والواشنطن بوست، والتايم، وله برنامج في قناة سي ان ان الأمريكية. له كتاب سابق حقق رقما قياسيا في المبيعات وهو: مستقبل الحرية.
يقول في أول سطور كتابه: “هذا الكتاب ليس عن أفول نجم أمريكا ولكن عن صعود قوى أخرى سوى أمريكا. هو كتاب عن التحولات العظمى التي تحدث حول العالم والتي بالرغم من رصدها بدقة إلى انه قليلا ما يُحسن فهمها.”
يقول زكريا عن هذه التحولات: “انظر حولك وستجد أن أعلى مبنى في العالم الآن يقع في دبي. أغنى رجل في العالم مكسيكي. أكبر الشركات في حجم تعاملاتها في الصين. أكبر طائرة في العالم صنعت في روسيا وأوكرانيا. معمل التكرير الأول في العالم في الهند. أكبر مصانع العالم في الصين. هونج كونج الآن تنافس لندن ونيويورك كأكبر مراكز المال في العالم.”
ينتقل في الفصل الثاني “ما يكفي ويفيض!” يبين كثير من الأمور، منها: انه بعكس المتصور فإن الحروب تنعش الاقتصاد! وانظر الى حرب اسرائيل مع حزب الله عام 2006 واذ بمؤشرات البورصة في اسرائيل تقفز لتسجل أعلى معدلاتها في آخر أيام الحرب عن أول أيامها.. حتى ان هذا الأمر كان يدهش الاقتصادييين الاسرائيليين أنفسهم!
ثورة الاتصالات التي نعيشها الآن ومتابعتنا للأحداث حال وقوعها يجعل من كل خبر جديد خبر عاجل! كل حادث كارثة! في حين أن العالم مر بأحداث أسوأ مما هي الآن كموت مليوني انسان في كمبوديا في السبعينات، ومصرع مليون شخص في الصحراء في حرب إيران والعراق في الثمانينات. إلا ان رؤيتنا للأحداث على مدى 24 ساعة يزيد من شعورنا باقتراب الخطر منا في حين ان الوضع في حقيقته ليس كذلك.. ولكنه الإعلام!
ينتقل بعدها إلى نقطة أخرى متناولا الصين ليقول: “أي حجم من الانتاج مهما كان صغيرا يصبح كبيرا اذا ما ضرب في 2.5 مليار (وهو العدد التقريبي للصين والهند معا) حتى مع تواضع بداية ذلك الانتاج.”
وهذا يعطي كثيرا من الأمل لدولة مثل مصر، فلو دفع كل فرد من 50 مليون (بافتراض انهم الشريحة القادرة على الانتاج) بطرف اصبعه لتجمع ذلك وتحول إلى دفعة قوية ذات تأثير ضخم حتى وان تواضعت الامكانيات في البداية.
رصد التغيرات الضخمة في كل من تركيا والبرازيل التي وضعتهما في مصاف الدول المتقدمة لما حققتاه من نمو اقتصادي ضخمة في السنوات العشرين الماضية.
ذكر ما قاله البعض عن توقعات بصحوة سياسية عالمية في السنوات المقبلة بسبب النجاح الاقتصادي والكرامة الوطنية وارتفاع مستويات التعليم وتوافر المعلومات والشفافية.
مع اتساع العالم أصبح من الصعب على كيان واحد بعينه أن يتولى الأمور وحده، ولكن لابد من الاتحاد مع آخر.
الاسرة المتوسطة في أمريكا الآن لديها في المتوسط 13 بطاقة ائتمان، وعليها رهن ب 120 ألف دولار!
لقد أصبحت الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية أمة من المدينين!
في الفصل الثالث: عالم غير غربي يتحدث عن الفرق بين الشرق والغرب، ولماذا توقف الأول عند حدود الماضي في حين انطلق الثاني سريعا نحو المستقبل، وكيف تأثر الأول بالثاني. ويذكر هنا قصة غريبة عن بطرس العظيم الذي جاب أوروبا وتعلم منها وعاد الى بلاده ليعيد تأسيسها على الطراز الأوروبي. بل انه غير النظام الضريبي بالاتفاق مع الكنيسة الأورثوذكسية ليقترب من النموذج الغربي. حتى أنه أمر الرجال بحلق لحاهم وارتداء ملابس أوروبية الطراز، وإذا أصر أحدهم على مظهره القديم يُلزم بدفع “ضريبة لحية” قيمتها 100 روبل في السنة!
ارتبطت المدنية بالغرب لزمن طويل، في حين ان الاحصائيات تبين أن أكبر أربع اقتصاديات في العالم خلال العقود القليلة القادمة هي اليابان والهند والصين، ورابعهم الولايات المتحدة التي يتزايد فيها عدد السكان ولكن من أصول غير أوروبية!
تحول مصطلح المدنية ليعني الصناعة والعمران ورفع معدلات القراءة والكتابة والتعليم والثروة، بعد أن كانت المدنية مرادفا “للأوروبية”.
“الثقافة تتبع القوة”.. وهذا لا يحتاج إلى شرح كما نرى في عالمنا!
أفرد زكريا فصلا مذهلا عن الصين يبدأ فيه بإحصائيات بسيطة منها ان معدل نمو الصين استمر 9% على مدى 30 عام وفي خلال هذه المدة أخرج حوالي 400 مليون شخص من تحت خط الفقر!
أسرع 20 مدينة نموا في العالم تقع كلها في الصين.
الصين هي أكبر دولة في العالم، وأسرع اقتصاد نموا، وصاحبة أكبر مصنع في العالم، وهي ثاني أكبر مستهلك، وأكبر مدخر، وهي تقريبا ثاني أكبر دولة في الانفاق العسكري!
ثم يفرد فصلا آخر عن العملاق الصاعد الثاني.. الهند والتي يوجد فيها أكبر عدد من المليارديرات في العالم وأغلبهم صنع نفسه بنفسه. وفي نفس الوقت بها 40 من فقراء العالم وهي ثاني أكبر شعب مصاب بمرض نقص المناعة!
كيف قفزت الهند سنوات إلى الأمام من خلال تركيزها على صناعة البرمجيات (وغير خاف على أحد أن من استطاع أن يحل مشكلة الصفرين الشهيرة في أول القرن الحادي والعشرين كانوا هنودا!)
مكونات الدخل القومي الهندي هي 50% خدمات، و25% صناعة، و25% زراعة.
كانت الاستثمارات الهندية في بريطانيا عامي 2006، و2007 أكبر من الاستثمارات البريطانية في الهند!
وفي الفصل الأخير: الغاية الأمريكية يتحدث عما يجب على أمريكا أن تأخذه في حسبانها في عالم متغير بهذا الشكل، وباعتبارها أكبر قوة عرفها التاريخ، وذلك حتى تحافظ على وجودها ودورها… ومن أهم تلك الأمور أنها يجب أن ترتب أولوياتها، فلكي تحكم العالم لابد وأن تختار أين تركز قواها وأين توجه انتباهها.
كما يجب عليها وضع قواعد عامة ليسير عليها العالم، لا أن تكتفي بدفعه في مجرى مصالحها فقط، وبذلك تسير دول العالم في ذلك الاطار العام المرسوم، بما يدعم النظام العالمي ككل!
الكتاب وهو مليء بما هو مفزع أحيانا، ومثير للغيظ أحيانا أخرى إلا خلاصته أكدت لي أن سنة الله في أرضه هي الغالبة، فالأيام دول، وليس هناك من يبقى أبدا في القمم، وليس هناك من يبقى أبدا في القاع… ولكن المهم البداية.
في النهاية هو كتاب يفتح العيون والأفهام على زوايا أخرى من العالم قد تكون خافية على كثير منا مع غرقنا في تفاصيل مشاكلنا.
This is a Fareed Zakaria stan account. Mám ráda jeho styl psaní a zajímá mě dlouhodobě jeho perspektiva na věci. Ne, že bychom se snad ve všem shodli, ale baví mě od něj číst články, a tak jsem zkusila i knihu. A vyplatilo se! 4/5*
The Post-American World: Release 2.0 by Fareed Zakaria
"The Post-American World" is the insightful book about world affairs and America's role. The author makes compelling arguments that it is the "rise of the rest" and not America's decline at the heart of this global era. This 336-page book is composed of the following seven chapters: 1. The Rise of the Rest, 2. The Cup Runneth Over, 3. A Non-Western World? 4. The Challenger, 5. The Ally, 6. American Power and 7. American Purpose.
Positives: 1. Well-written and well-researched book. 2. Accessible book for the masses. 3. A fascinating topic in the hands of a master. 4. An even-handed book. Mr. Zakaria is fair. 5. Engaging prose that offers countless anecdotes and interesting facts. 6. Elegant and engaging prose, full of interesting anecdotes. 7. A lot of misconceptions put to rest: "Poverty is falling in countries housing 80 percent of the world's population". "War and organized violence have declined dramatically over the last two decades". 8. Economics in an enlightening manner, "It was not the Great Depression that brought the Nazis to power in Germany but rather hyperinflation, which destroyed the middle class by making its savings worthless". 9. The three forces that impact the global international environment: politics, economics, and technology. 10. The impact of global growth on natural resources and the environment. 11. Fascinating facts throughout the book,"from 2003 to 2020, the number of vehicles in China will rise from 26 million to 120 million". Wow. 12. Does a great job of explaining the various challenges facing the planet. 13. What the global economy has turned into... 14. National debt at the heart of our problem. $14 trillion... 15. Interesting history. 16. How our world is shrinking. 17. Did you know that women's clothing is a powerful indicator of a society's comfort with modernity? You do now...and much more where that came from. 18. Brief but interesting look at religions that form the rising powers. 19. 1979 as a watershed year for the globe. 20. A fascinating look at China, worth the price of the book. An entire chapter. 21. Walmart and its connection to China. 22. Why China and the Unites States need each other. 23. An insightful look at India. An entire chapter. Great stuff! 24. India's nuclear aspirations. 25. Interesting British history and the ways it compares to ours. 26. American military domination. 27. The economic challenges of America. 28. America's strengths and weaknesses. 29. A very interesting look at our educational system and how it stacks up against the world. Educational indeed. 30. What is America's best industry? Find out. 31. The impact of immigration. 32. The biggest economical threats to our country. 33. The impact of free trade. 34. Sensible reforms that should be enacted. 35. Dysfunctional politics. 36. The six guidelines on how the United States can operate in this new world. 37. Positive future, it's up to us. 38. Links worked great. Excellent notes section.
Negatives: 1. Loved the chapters on China and India but would have loved a chapter on Germany and/or Brazil. 2. Excellent notes section but it never hurts to have a separate bibliography. 3. Charts and illustrated would have added value. 4. The author does speculate and may suffer from moments of grandeur. 5. Too little emphasis on finite resources and the impact to the planet.
In summary, I enjoyed reading this book. Mr. Zakaria took me on a wonderful journey to China and India and provided fascinating information. It provides an excellent summary of global affairs and how this will impact the United States. I highly recommend this book!
Further recommendations: "That Used to be US..." by Thomas Friedman , "The End of Growth: Adapting to Our New Economic Reality" by Richard Heinberg, "The Crash Course" by Chris Martenson, and "Aftershock" by Robert B. Reich.
The books starts off with a quote from the historian Arnold Toynbee about how there are no intrinsic reasons why a civilization (read an empire) should not go on forever, in spite of all the previous ones having failed or faded. It immediately reminded me of a similar line about how aging is not one of the laws of physics and the possibility of curing it.
Zakaria is an editor for Newsweek International, and this book reads like a series of Newsweek articles. Sticking to the style of a “mainstream” and “middle of the road” news magazine, Zakaria stays away from presenting any detailed research and analysis or – god forbid – saying anything controversial. I don’t want to hold it against him that he doesn’t say anything controversial, but he comes off as trying a bit too hard to appear as a reasonable and moderate political analyst who’s concerned about the future status of his adopted country. I know this will make me look like a cynic, but given how high Khalilzad went in the Bush administration recently, maybe Zakaria wants to join the ranks of such foreign-born luminaries as Khalilzad, Kissinger, and Brzezinski, working in high places as a political theorist for the U.S. government. He takes a few shots at the Bush foreign policy – a safe and easy target by the time he wrote the book – but he makes a clear point of not saying anything critical of the United States.
And in the end, he doesn’t really say much. After finishing the book, I was at a loss trying to summarize for myself what Zakaria was trying to say. He presents some facts and data about the rise of “others,” i.e., China, Russia, India, etc., and then a few quick recommendations towards the end of the book about how the United States should deal with their rise. Somehow I have a hard time imagining the political and military establishment taking this book seriously. I’m just thinking of how James Baker, just to cite a random example, would react to this book.
I loved this book. The title makes it sound like it's going to be depressing, but it is actually very hopeful about America's future role in the world. Zakaria is one of the most sensible voices around in my opinion (and, could he BE any handsomer!? Woo!) He talks about how we are going to have to get past the ugly partisanship of the past 30 years or so, get our economic house in order and take a more multilateral approach in foreign relations. Admittedly, those are hard things, but not impossible and Zakaria emphasizes that, number one, our basic economy is still very strong, number two, we basically won and the whole world (with the exception of the middle east) is trying to adopt our way of life and, number three, we have the most powerful ideals, still attractive to people all over the world. He writes beautifully about America drawing smart, ambitious people from all over the world and how much of our strength and dynamism is attributable to that. He urges us to STOP BEING AFRAID, especially of new people wanting to come to our shores and make their contributions, but also of the terrorists who want to hurt us. If we aren't terrified, terrorism doesn't work. I just loved, loved, loved this book and I think every single American should read it and take it to heart.
I am always a little hesitant to read books about current political events because they are so easily partisan. I think the author has avoided this trap for the most part with The Post American World. He delivers a broad look at what is happening outside of the western sphere of influance that makes me want to learn more, specifically about China and India and the political climate of today. I don't think this is an anti-American work. I think it's done with an attitude of enlightenment for the reader. It does raise a lot of key points about the rise of the rest of the world to more western living standards and incomes. And really, at the end of the day, that will be what determines the wars and confrontations of the future.
Thought I'd like this more than I did. Have to admit that it is not my favorite book. I'm no cheerleader for globalization or US market capitalism but I am even less a fan of attempting to manipulate the world into a homogeneous global market with "western" values which I felt a strong undercurrent of throughout the book -- particularly the first half.
Zakaria asserts that Western economics, religion and culture have been dominant forces for over half a millennium. He argues that while the West grew and expanded, the rest of the world lay dormant. Through open market capitalism and globalization, the rest has awaken. With more capital, more human labor and more social and political comfort the sleeping giants of the East have awaken to challenge Western supremacy. Zakaria’s thesis is that these powers are not a threat to the West by merely existing, but rather because they have adopted Western market capitalism while simultaneously rejecting Western assimilation. This does not mean, however, that the US will be relegated to the sidelines of the international world. Zakaria argues that because the US is such a great and exceptional power, it can use its current status to negotiate a new position of power for itself in this new world order.
One of Zakaria’s key assumptions and practically the first half of his book is that the West has always been a great power imparting culture, politics and economics on the rest of the world. He creates a position of status and privilege for the West as an exceptional power that he returns to throughout the book. He argues:
It has become commonplace to say that actually China and India were as rich as the West right up until the 1800s. The dominance of the West, according to this perspective, has been a 200-year blip, and we are now returning to a more normal balance. This statement also implies that the West’s advantages may be largely accidental—the result of “coal and colonies,” that is the discovery of cheap energy source and the domination of the rich lands of Asia, Africa, and the Americas. This view, which embraces a multicultural sensibility that denies any special status to the West, has its political advantages. But while it may be politically correct, it is historically incorrect (Zakaria, 52).
The rationale behind history’s supposed error, according to Zakaria, is the incorrect focus on the total size of the Chinese and Indian economies. Zakaria continues to explain away why the West was richer during the 18th and 19th century by clarifying the differences between GDP and GDP per capita but he fails to address the reality and atrocities of colonialism. His entire discussion of Westernization and modernization glosses over the brutality and coercion that are inherently intertwined with these processes. He continues to dance around issues of colonialism and oppressing when he cites a letter from an Indian citizen in Calcutta imploring the British to teach English rather than Sanskrit to the people. The rationale behind mentioning this letter is to argue that while people of the East (and South) may have been subjected to colonial and imperial subjugation – some of them embraced Westernization. This argument is a bit of a logical fallacy, similar to the argument that black Africans sold each other into the Atlantic slave trade. It is meant to divert attention from the centuries of systematic oppression and brutality. Through his silence on the practices and implementation of modernization and Westernization Zakaria seems to be suggesting that the ends of this process justify the means.
First, as a good faith disclaimer, let me say that I tend to love this kind of book. Any book that provides a cup running over with information and data is sure to win my heart early on, and as editor of international editions of Newsweek, Mr. Fareed Zakaria certainly has access to the kind of fact-feed and data sources that make me go all warm and mushy inside... And he shares nicely. :-)
Second, for those who's sense of patriotism might be goosed by the title, let me offer the explanatory quote from very early on in the book... "This is not a book about the decline of America, but rather about the rise of everyone else." Current financial crisis aside, our economy is still a world leader, and can be for some time... But, as other nations follow our lead and rise to their own model of capability and prosperity, our position relative to them will level somewhat.
In this book, Mr. Zakaria touches on the relevant history of our current socio-political situation and then addresses some of the finer points of the history, culture, influences, and policies that will shape the actions of other nations such as China and India. In truth, one wouldn't be far off base to say this book is at least in large part -about- China and India, but anyone who can look at the current world situation and not see why that's appropriate and relevant probably isn't paying attention.
This book isn't about the doom and gloom of no longer being the sole world super-power, it's about how others are advancing, the directions they are likely to take, those areas where we still have a substantial lead, and how we can best maintain and develop them.
If you're the kind of person who enjoys knowing a bit more about what's going on, and what's going on behind that, than you are likely to get out of the daily news papers or broadcasts, you should read this book. You'll learn from it and enjoy it.
If you're the kind of person who is frequently looked to by friends for a little more depth and insight on national and international policy events, it's probably already on your reading list... If not, it should be.
Fareed Zakaria's new book, the Post-American World is a book I hope both presidential candidates read. It is a brief book that tells Americans we need to re-think our view of the world. We need to jettison the idea of the world's policeman and hyperpower and replace it with the world's trusted third party. In this his says we need to be less Britain than Bismarck, which I rather like. We need to de-emphasize military power and re-consider economic competitiveness. We need to spend less time worrying about Iranian nuclear weapons and more about how to work with India and China.
It is the briefness that will irritate the foreign policy specialist readership and attract the casual but interested reader. Unlike other international relations big think books, this one does not provide a vigorous examination of the global system. It also does not provide much in the way of policy guidelines, aside from a shift in resources away from primacy and towards a focus on domestic policy.
For those who are looking for help in trying to understand how the world works today and the US can best deal with it, the book will be of great value. Zakaria provides a high level overview saying the superpower era is over, and is being replaced by a multipolar world and one for the first time with non-European powers as the majority of leaders. He surveys China and India and then describes the US's fit in the new world.
Like a number of useful books, this one will have you wanting to read more, about how the US can change its ways and more about modern China and India. This would be a good starting point for the dispirited American wondering where how we should start over after eight less than ideal years.
Un livre qui vous rend intelligent Aussi subtil dans l'analyse que clair dans la synthèse : le monde de demain ne sera peut-être plus dominé par l'Occident mais il n'en restera pas moins occidental
THE POST-AMERICAN WORLD BY FAREED ZAKARIA: Fareed Zakaria, author of The Future of Freedom, and editor for Newsweek International, offers up a sobering yet fascinating look at the possible future of the United States and its stake as the global superpower in the first half of the twenty-first century. The Post-American World is part business, part political, part historical, and part sociological; as Zakaria analyses how the United States has arrived at the state it is in internationally, and what the future holds for the two global giants of India and China on the horizon.
Zakaria begins by discussing how the United States – as well as its citizens – has continued to perceive itself, from the end of the Cold War to the present, as the sole global superpower and utopian democratic and capitalist nation by which the rest of the world should admire it and follow suit. This is all too clear with the globalization of numerous American companies such as the McDonalds and Starbucks franchises, which can now be found almost anywhere in the world, on every continent except Antarctica. But in that time, the United States has lost uncountable jobs, manufacturing industries, and development institutions to other countries, which is now causing serious problems with unemployment and the cost of goods and services to the nation and its citizens. Zakaria points out:
“Generations from now, when historians write about these times, they might note that, in the early decades of the twenty-first century, the United States succeeded in its great and historic mission – it globalized the world. But along the way, they might write, it forgot to globalize itself.”
Coupled with this is the continued downfall and disinterest the rest of the world now has in the United States with the choices and decisions it has made. “The world is moving from anger to indifference, from anti-Americanism to post-Americanism,” Zakaria says. And it is not until the United States fully comprehends this, that things will begin turning around and improving.
With the United States left in the wake of globalization, Zakaria turns the reader to the next two giants that will become the next so-called superpowers due to the variety and number of industries already situated within their borders, as well as the exploding workforce that is available at a much cheaper rate than the Western World. Zakaria spends most of the book, with specific chapters each on India and China, giving their history and development over the centuries and how it is that they now stand at this brink to become the next superpowers. He also offers sobering statistics in a world that is becoming more environmentally inclined: “Between 2006 and 2012, China and India will build eight hundred new coal-fired power plants – with combined [carbon dioxide:] emissions five times the total savings of the Kyoto accords.” And yet the growth in these countries is unstoppable and how is America to critique this when it is one of the largest contributors of carbon dioxide in the world?
In the last chapter, Zakaria addresses what the United States needs to do to become the once great shining nation it was. “It needs to stop cowering in fear. It is fear that has created a climate of paranoia and panic in the United States and fear that has enabled our strategic missteps.” While at this moment in time, this seems more of a lesson for its government than its people, it is the last paragraph in The Post-American World that makes the most sense to the reader:
“For America to thrive in this new and challenging era, for it to succeed amid the rise of the rest, it need fulfill only one test. It should be a place that is as inviting and exciting to the young student who enters the country today as it was for this awkward eighteen-year-old a generation ago.”
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After years of political, economic and cultural dominance of the US, other nations are emerging in what Zakaria calls "the rise of the rest". It is not, he says that the US is declining; it is that the others are growing. While he talks of several measures of a country (culture, rule of law, institutions) the yardstick he clearly favors is its ability to consume.
Zakaria speaks of British power at Queen Victoria's 60th Jubilee and how less than 20 years later Europe had a whole new landscape. He shows that while it may seem that the US is in a similar position, it is not. Structurally, Britain was not the leader as it appeared to be as later events proved. The US, he says, has strong structural components and can and will hold a strong position.
China receives a lot of attention when the new polarities are discussed, but Zakaria reminds us that India's emergence is equally or more striking.
Like a lot of books with big themes there are big wide statements: "All nations, just like Germany, can benefit from corporate tax cuts." "Regulation is strangling the US economy." "The absence of Muslim terrorism among India's 150 million Muslims is due to democracy." (What about the Sikhs?)
Zakaria's discussion of British Empire and US power omits some obvious factors. England, while it suffered some bloody internal battles, had nothing like the war created devastation that hit cities, towns and villages in Europe in the 16th to 19th centuries. Protected by its seas, it could turn to economic pursuits. In the same period, the US gave free or very low cost land to generations of settlers, almost a guaranteed path to the middle class for its poorest citizens.
The book reminds me of a Thomas Friedman book in its optimism about the rising tide lifting the boats. It does not address the limitation of the world's resources what happens if and when these emerging nations begin to equal the per capita consumption of the US.
This book came out early in 2008 so it must have been written in 2007. Zakaria doesn't seem to have foreseen the current worldwide economic crisis, but then, of course, a lot of people didn't. As a result, some of the early parts of the book where he refers to the booming economy seem a little dated and out of touch, but overall his thesis stands and is well-argued in spite of these minor quibbles.
He believes that the United States has misplayed its hand in world politics over the last several years. This is hardly a bombshell and he is hardly the first or the last to make that observation. Much of the good feeling that previously existed in the world regarding our country and certainly the sympathy that poured out to us following the attacks of September 11, 2001 have been squandered.
Zakaria believes that, almost regardless of these missteps, the United States was destined to decline as the super-dominant world power as other countries and their economies rose right around the world. China, India, and Brazil, particularly, are set to play their own dominant roles upon the world's stage and American policies must take these rising powers into consideration.
Perhaps Zakaria will write another book in a few years to critique how our government and the new administration have responded to these changes in status. Let us hope that it will be a story of a country that is first among equals and that, rather than standing obstinately apart, is willing to cooperate with other countries to get things done.