Ben Davis’s 9.5 Theses on Art and Class reads like a breath of fresh air in its clarity and conviction. The constant acceleration of crises has soured me to the grandiloquent claims of art discourse, including my own. Over the years, I’ve watched many of my students balance on a knife’s edge between the lure of art’s secular theology and a knee-jerk anti-intellectualism. I would recommend many of these essays for students seeking to benefit from a writer who is simultaneously rigorous while also skeptical of writing that makes self-satisfied claims for the art profession. The opening two chapters on art and class could stimulate productive debate with students as they struggle through their own encounters with the contradictions in the art world. The essay, “Art and Inequality” detailing the contemporary art world’s position within neoliberal capital accumulation and wealth inequality should be required reading in art schools.
Davis’s essays remind us that art signifies two different meanings. In its general sense, “art” signifies a general disposition to creativity that permeates all forms of labor and human activity. Then there is “Art” in the sense of a “professional classification” (177). At times, these terms are collapsed or the one becomes an alibi for the other in the service of ideological or even moral ends. For example, art professionals and their patrons rebuff the critical observation on the role of “Art” in urban gentrification as an attack on “art” as a human necessity.
Throughout the book’s sixteen essays, Davis develops the thesis that artists occupy a middle-class position in relation to capitalism. Creative labor for independent artists (versus workers in any of the creative industries) is defined by its individualism and self-determination. This observation allows Davis to unpack the contradictions at work in the claims of artists and the judgments made by art critics. In the world of universal proletarianization of workers and the subjection of workers to ruthless precarity, Davis argues, notions of “personal fulfillment and professional ambition” seem achievable for few except through artistic labor. Davis writes, “Our globalized capitalist world is dominated by corporate colossi, a reality that gives middle-class autonomy a glow of rarity and preciousness” (177). This helps to explain why when art professionals dig into the material firmament of the middle-class life through private property ownership and landlordism, they encounter the class conflict inherent in that social position.
For Davis, if classes exist in relation to capital, then the control over one’s own labor defines the very meaning of the middle-class, situated midway between the laborer who has no such control and the capitalist who controls the labor of others. Of course, the image of the middle-class artist serves a useful purpose for bourgeois interests that naturalize and valorize this material autonomy, even though, in fact, it describes the economic prospects of very few artists. In fact, as Davis notes, the few artists who achieve material autonomy due so by incorporating themselves with a small army of studio assistants who have no control over their labor. Tat reality raises some questions about the extent to which the artist as middle-class is more an ideological construct, perhaps even an imaginary self-image, versus a material reality. Nonetheless, Davis’s analysis is especially useful given that class is all too often reduced to an essential identity or simply a marker of personal wealth or education, thus mystifying the material and historical basis of class.
In another intervention that unfolds through-out the book, Davis delineates the function of art criticism that asks us to situate artworks within its historical conditions. This is different than historicization or even different from sociology. Over and again Davis unpacks the specific aspects of the rising patron class with the specific developments of neoliberalism. Albeit written in years immediately after the 2008 crash, Davis is describing a dynamic between financial capital and culture that will only increase in subsequent crises.
Through-out the essays, I found it refreshing to see an art writer forthrightly name their political framework and its translation into critical method. Art writers all too often invoke the political with no clarification of the term outside the dominant liberal framework. Interrogating the dialectic between art and class allows Davis to wield specificity when analyzing the terms. The forthrightness of the author’s politics allows the reader to refine their own critical relationship to the political framework that Davis asserts. For example, it’s fair to ask: What is Trotskyism as a political strategy and as a set of tactics? Here Davis advances two claims, largely as implicit responses to that question. Citing Trotsky, Davis asserts the importance of a non-instrumentalized approach to art. The critic most refrain from reducing artistic judgment to a correct political content or correct aesthetic tactics. Rather, the Trotskyist art critic prizes artistic autonomy while analyzing the work’s material and historical conditions. Davis repeatedly insists that the problems of those material and historical conditions can only be resolved politically and not within art. For that reason, Davis reminds the reader of the need to participate in protest campaigns and activism.
If we were to synthesize these positions, alongside the notion of visual art as inherently middle-class, we arrive at something of a specific praxis. If the art profession grants middle-class autonomy, then aren’t we talking about the same middle-class that began providin fresh recruits for the rightwing populism through the rise of the Tea Party during the Obama era? This tendency does not exist in the abstract but sits within the larger crises of capitalism and the rise of rightwing reaction to explain the crises of stagnation and historic wealth inequality. And what of the conservatism amongst art professionals? When Davis argues that an engagement with context and political conflict makes for better art (in the professional sense), then we can already hear a creeping conservatism at work. For working-class artists attending American art schools, professionalization entails (1) aspiring to a middle-class position that leaves one’s working-class family and community behind and (2) exploiting one’s own lived experience in poor and working-class communities as the content of art for middle-class audiences. Isn’t this the very definition of alienation, an alienation that is not only normalized in arts institutions but enforced in the assessment of competency in art discourses and values. Is middle-class autonomy really the master signifier of “personal fulfillment and professional ambition” for the artist?
Davis further elaborates the problem when he defines political practice as delineated within protest campaigns, symbolic occupations, and in a loyal opposition to the bourgeois state. There’s no awareness of an entirely different constellation of pedagogical practices for organizing and mobilizing popular power—practices invented by artists that do more than grant the artist control over his or her own labor. The experiments of popular power in Crown Heights and the Corona neighborhood in Queens exist in different universes from SoHo and Chelsea.
We know from numerous radical traditions in the U.S. and around the world that poor and working-class activists define their own politics. Such politics do not have the liberty to alienate protest from mutual dependence. Such politics do not have the class standing to divorce aesthetic judgment from conflicts with private property and real estate speculation. As Luis Camnitzer argued, artists in the global south have long viewed abstract concepts and concrete situations as dialectically linked. In contrast with Global Conceptualisms, the norms Davis proposes seem parochial to the fixations of a small island of capital accumulation and monopolization.
In the introduction to his massive volume, Ethics of Liberation, Mexican philosopher Enrique Dussel draws a distinction between the ethics of the European-American center versus that of the global periphery. Such ethics have historically found articulation in competing theological paradigms. For the cosmopolitan center, the primary ethical question fixes on what systematization of religious knowledge and ethics follows the challenge of enlightenment, science, global war, and the bomb. For the global periphery, Dussel argues, theology and ethics pursue a fundamentally different question; that is, what is the praxis of liberation from colonial and neocolonial subjugation? The contrast between these two questions has profound implication for inquiry not to mention worldviews.
I often recall Dussel’s intervention, particularly when the truth-claims of an American cultural critic, artist, or activist reveal the hegemonic assumptions of the cosmopolitan center—even coming from a Trotskyist intellectual embedded in the Empire City. Perhaps those assumptions say something about the American art critic in the Obama era. The last four years, and in particular amidst the COVID-19 catastrophe, statements about middle-class autonomy becomes harder to hold onto in the face of fascism’s death cult. Likewise, as witnessed during the recent election cycle, we might surmise that the same assumptions have provoked new bulwarks when the only alternative to rightwing authoritarianism is restoring neoliberal dominance. The poor of the global south and of our own barrios remind us that in the Manichean division between neofascism and neoliberalism, another politics must be possible. Throw them all out!
In response to comrade Davis, we might posit that an aesthetics other than middle-class autonomy is similarly possible and already underway.