In Black Awakening in Capitalist American, Robert L. Allen, one of the fathers of Black studies, offers a prescient, high-level, yet readable materialist analysis of the strategies and prospects of Black liberation movements and capitalists' response to the late 1960s urban crisis.
In the 1960s, overt racial segregation and staggering economic inequality created the conditions for regular urban uprisings. Faced with the dilemma of (1) ongoing costly rebellions, (2) committing outright genocide or total occupation, or (3) transforming the system away from capitalism/private property, the US capitalist class chose a middle ground: incorporate a sliver of Black America into business and managerial roles. This preserves the capitalist system as is, delegates management of cities to Black politicians with only nominal power, and creates the illusion of racial progress.
This strategy was pursued with ample funding from the Ford Foundation and white capitalist-backed urban development corporations. Allen highlights that this strategy is analogous to how European colonialism shifted to neo-colonialism following Third World demands for de-colonization: allow formal political independence and build up a comprador elite within the colony that will facilitate continued economic dependence. Allen deeply explores how several civil rights, Black nationalist, and revolutionary organizations - NAACP, CORE, SNCC, Black Panthers - engaged with each other, tactics and strategy, class analysis, cultural nationalism, and women's internal agitation over male chauvinism against the internal neocolonial backdrop.
Allen's analysis is criminally under-studied or under-engaged in urban studies and urban geography. We've experienced an analytical regression from Allen's type of "domestic colonialism" analysis (1960s) to the underclass thesis (1980s) to "concentrated poverty" (2000s). The latter two place the burden of poverty on poor people of color themselves, leaving capitalism and imperialism unmentioned.
I'm curious to see how Allen's work could engage with the question of settler colonialism. The inability of reformism, voting, or integration to make sufficient material progress in the US is related to its existence as a settler colonial government, intended as a white supremacist republic, not pluralistic democracy. His comments on the failures and prospects of the white left could also be extended, as whiteness is forged in the aspiration to own property, including stolen Indigenous land. Black liberation thought has concerned itself with the question of a land base - some Black nationalist movements promoting separation on a land base were indeed co-opted, but some movements - like the Republic of New Afrika, Fannie Lou Hamer's Freedom Farms - were undermining to capitalism. They also had or pursued certain reciprocal relationships with Indigenous nations worth considering and building on.