Robert Lee Allen is an American activist, writer, and Adjunct Professor of African-American Studies and Ethnic Studies at the University of California, Berkeley. Allen received his Ph.D. in Sociology from the University of California, San Francisco, and previously taught at San José State University and Mills College.
One of the greatest books on the Black Power movement ever written. It revealed that Black Power as a concept was torn between socialism and capitalism as the meaning of empowerment. President Nixon exploited this, and recognized Black people wanted equal opportunity to enter the rules of hierarchy, or "a piece of the action." Private corporations and the government conspired to fund every aspiration of social workers, college students, and small business loans. At the same time the government used COINTELPRO to disorient the Black Power advocates that were social and economic radicals such as the Black Panthers. This is not merely history but the foundations of the present. This is how "do me" plus cheap popular culture became the meaning of "Black Power." The socialist tendency was disoriented, degraded and defeated. People should pay closer attention to the debates in the Black liberation struggle between 1968-1972 instead of assuming a clear victory was won in that era.
An incredible survey of the emergence of Black Power and corporate, philanthropic soft counter-insurgency otherwise known as “Black Capitalism”. Enraging, yet hardly surprising-especially seeing as many of Allen’s critiques and conclusions have shown themselves in recent uprisings for Black lives alone. A must read to grasp the gravity of this particular moment in the Black Liberation struggle in the so-called United States as well as enduring consequences of the state’s “soft power”.
Definitely a "must read" title for anyone serious, or even casually interested in gaining understanding of civil rights era blackness in America. Very straightforward read, and quite compelling. The pages turn surprisingly easy, with respect to the depth of the material. A textbook that reads like a novel.
“Revolution has become a cheap word in modern America.” This is a book that seeks to define and frame what it means to be a Black revolutionary in the United States. More specifically, this book evaluates the state of Black radicalism the the 20th Century, taking into account the impact of the various forces and means of counterrevolution and repression.
This book begins with the premise that Black Americans are an oppressed nation subjected to semi-colonial conditions in the United States (i.e. “domestic colonialism”), and these conditions are maintained by a system that is simply incapable of accommodating the masses of Black people. From this premise springs a strikingly clear articulation of the colonial relationship between the white power structure and the Black American masses. Allen characterizes this relationship as “domestic neo-colonialism,” and analogizes it to colonial relationships around the world. Allen contends that understanding this colonial dynamic is key to fashioning a real, substantive response.
Allen further assesses the development and evolution of the Black liberation movement during the Civil Rights and Black Power eras of the 20th Century. Allen analyzes the politics and philosophies of some of the most well known figures of the era, highlighting both the strengths and weaknesses of their ideologies and programs. In particular, Allen thoroughly examines the political philosophy of Black Nationalism. Allen discusses the roots of Black Nationalist thought and impulse, situating it as a response to the depravity and inevitability of white racism. He also details the many forms Black Nationalism has taken, finding versions of it in figures as seemingly disparate as Booker T. Washington, W.E.B. Du Bois, and Marcus Garvey. In doing so, Allen details the virtues and shortcomings of Black Nationalism as a vehicle for Black Liberation. Particularly, while Allen clearly articulates the logical impulse of Black Nationalism, he also identifies significant holes in its execution, centered around “fantastical” dreams of mass migration to Africa and/or land grants from the U.S. government. Allen also describes and critiques the “cultural nationalist” sentiments of Ron Karenga and Leroi James. While the criticisms of Black Nationalism are valuable, I was somewhat disappointed by the blanket dismissal of Garvey’s movement without much analysis.
Allen’s insights on the Black petit bourgeoise and middle class are phenomenal. He describes the social conditions that cause this small class of Black Americans to “vacillate” in political ideology—from integrationism to nationalism. It is here where Allen critiques some of the contradictory positions that the young Stokely Carmichael held. Allen contends that the Black middle class continuously fails to attach itself to the masses of people because it can’t disentangle its own self-interested desire to become capitalists. In articulating this critique, Allen makes clear that capitalism and Black liberation simply cannot coexist.
Ultimately, this book is about co-optation. Allen details how the ambiguous and nebulous framing of “Black power” and “Black liberation” created openings for the white capitalist power structure to exploit and redirect the movement toward its own reactionary aims. This is a cautionary tale about how to protect the integrity of the struggle. Allen’s ultimate conclusion is that Black America is not ready for revolution because Black organizations are mot equipped to deal with the forces of repression, and have not charted a clear path for liberation. However, Black radicals can prepare for the revolutionary moment by engaging in cooperative social organizing, centered around the material needs of the masses of people.
Detailed and comprehensive analysis of the class dynamics and social forces of the Black Power movement. Allen's book provides a picture of the Black Power slogan that grasps both its revolutionary potential and the failure of the slogan. This is not only due to co-option by ngo's, reformists, and a layer of Black bourgeois elite that see Black power as expressed through political power within the Democratic party, Black capitalism, and "liberal reformism calling for broad participation in the economic and political structures of the country." He expertly slices though demands for both business "development" of the Black community and the ties to demands for cooperatives as still succumbing to this same--faulty--logic. Allen similarly has a critique of the radical forces of the movement, from the Black Panthers to SCNCC that heralds their achievements and also soberly argues that their failure was partly a result of a series of political and tactical decisions made by those organizations that failed to grasp the revolutionary answer to achieving Black Liberation.
While I think that the theoretical foundation for much of his analysis is wrong because of his understanding of the roots of Black oppression being that of "internal colony" this book is still a fantastic critical history of the movement that lends many lessons to the current struggle of today.
Such a good book. Written in 1969 as the civil rights movement fizzled out and was replaced by the Black Power movement, Allen pretty deeply (and critically) analyzes the different currents and assesses their potential for radical/revolutionary change. Extremely good neocolonial analysis of the situation and breakdown of the problems of liberalism, Black capitalism, soft control by white corporate elites, etc.
In Black Awakening in Capitalist American, Robert L. Allen, one of the fathers of Black studies, offers a prescient, high-level, yet readable materialist analysis of the strategies and prospects of Black liberation movements and capitalists' response to the late 1960s urban crisis.
In the 1960s, overt racial segregation and staggering economic inequality created the conditions for regular urban uprisings. Faced with the dilemma of (1) ongoing costly rebellions, (2) committing outright genocide or total occupation, or (3) transforming the system away from capitalism/private property, the US capitalist class chose a middle ground: incorporate a sliver of Black America into business and managerial roles. This preserves the capitalist system as is, delegates management of cities to Black politicians with only nominal power, and creates the illusion of racial progress.
This strategy was pursued with ample funding from the Ford Foundation and white capitalist-backed urban development corporations. Allen highlights that this strategy is analogous to how European colonialism shifted to neo-colonialism following Third World demands for de-colonization: allow formal political independence and build up a comprador elite within the colony that will facilitate continued economic dependence. Allen deeply explores how several civil rights, Black nationalist, and revolutionary organizations - NAACP, CORE, SNCC, Black Panthers - engaged with each other, tactics and strategy, class analysis, cultural nationalism, and women's internal agitation over male chauvinism against the internal neocolonial backdrop.
Allen's analysis is criminally under-studied or under-engaged in urban studies and urban geography. We've experienced an analytical regression from Allen's type of "domestic colonialism" analysis (1960s) to the underclass thesis (1980s) to "concentrated poverty" (2000s). The latter two place the burden of poverty on poor people of color themselves, leaving capitalism and imperialism unmentioned.
I'm curious to see how Allen's work could engage with the question of settler colonialism. The inability of reformism, voting, or integration to make sufficient material progress in the US is related to its existence as a settler colonial government, intended as a white supremacist republic, not pluralistic democracy. His comments on the failures and prospects of the white left could also be extended, as whiteness is forged in the aspiration to own property, including stolen Indigenous land. Black liberation thought has concerned itself with the question of a land base - some Black nationalist movements promoting separation on a land base were indeed co-opted, but some movements - like the Republic of New Afrika, Fannie Lou Hamer's Freedom Farms - were undermining to capitalism. They also had or pursued certain reciprocal relationships with Indigenous nations worth considering and building on.
Would absolutely classify this as an essential read. For anyone aspiring to be a serious revolutionary, it is important to have a clear analysis of the current liberation movements and their strengths and weaknesses. However, Western discourse struggles with pervasive mystification of what different movements can or have achieved, with many “claiming easy victories”. Allen instead plainly describes the dead ends of many aspects of the civil rights movements and the future dead ends of what were poised to replace it (counter insurgent black capitalism and NGOs). Allen, similar to Fanon and Cabral, criticizes the behaviour, politics, and individualistic values of the black middle class and squarely categorizes it among the compradors of colonized countries. He leaves us with a no-bullshit call to arms for a black socialist movement led by the most marginalized of the black community in America as the clear and only option for black liberation.
This book did an amazing job providing the reader with sufficient context of Black America's relationship with class. However, it would be interesting to explore what the exact steps to achieving black liberation would look like. It's a grand endeavor and one that has no easy formula.
Allen's a journalist and it shows in his crisp, clear prose detailing the forces at play as Black liberation movements tried (or didn't) to steer clear of capitalist imperialism and domestic neocolonialism. Fascinating read.
Foundational reading for anyone interested in exploring the players, pitfalls, and reflections on the Black Power movement. I appreciate how Allen takes a critical look at both Black capitalists and Black radicals, and ends with an analysis of what a transitional system looks like.
A compelling application of Franz Fanon's psychoanalytical analysis of Western European colonization to the state of Black radical politics in U.S.A. in the 60s. Allen was early to the trend of elite capture through corporate bear hugging which has become the modus operandi for dealing with disruptive political movements over the last 50 years. It's crazy to look back and see just how blatantly these institutions were expressing the intent of their programs back around this time. There's a lot of detail that's pretty specific to the time period this book was written which makes it more of a historical work than Wretched of the Earth but a valuable one nonetheless. If you're interested in reading a more contemporary and philosophical meta-analysis of how incumbent institutions neutralize ideological threats then I suggest Elite Capture by Olúfẹ́mi O. Táíwò.
Profoundly disquieting in all the right ways--- A thought-provoking look at different segments of the black power movement.
Good reading for anyone looking to envision a different way of organizing society and the economy, and think through pitfalls a revolutionary movement can fall prey to