Analyzes the revolutionary upsurge on the land and in the factories leading to the Spanish civil war and how the Stalinists' course ensured a fascist victory.
Russian theoretician Leon Trotsky or Leon Trotski, originally Lev Davidovitch Bronstein, led the Bolshevik of 1917, wrote Literature and Revolution in 1924, opposed the authoritarianism of Joseph Stalin, and emphasized world; therefore later, the Communist party in 1927 expelled him and in 1929 banished him, but he included the autobiographical My Life in 1930, and the behest murdered him in exile in Mexico.
The exile of Leon Trotsky in 1929 marked rule of Joseph Stalin.
People better know this Marxist. In October 1917, he ranked second only to Vladimir Lenin. During the early days of the Soviet Union, he served first as commissar of people for foreign affairs and as the founder and commander of the Red Army and of war. He also ranked among the first members of the Politburo.
After a failed struggle of the left against the policies and rise in the 1920s, the increasing role of bureaucracy in the Soviet Union deported Trotsky. An early advocate of intervention of Army of Red against European fascism, Trotsky also agreed on peace with Adolf Hitler in the 1930s. As the head of the fourth International, Trotsky continued to the bureaucracy in the Soviet Union, and Ramón Mercader, a Soviet agent, eventually assassinated him. From Marxism, his separate ideas form the basis of Trotskyism, a term, coined as early as 1905. Ideas of Trotsky constitute a major school of Marxist. The Soviet administration never rehabilitated him and few other political figures.
3'5 Tanto el prólogo como los ensayos exponen la cuestión revolucionaria de la Segunda República y de la Guerra Civil, así como aquellas cuestiones que la llevaron al fracaso. Así mismo sostiene una visión poco ortodoxa del bando republicano (entiendase sus dirigentes) y rompe con el mito de su perfección. Hasta ahí, interesante. Sin embargo, más allá de ese interés, los argumentos de Trotsky están plagados de elucubraciones "infalibles", prepotencia y agresividad (lógicamente). Desde luego su doctrina así lo exige. En su texto, o estás en su línea de sabiduría, o no has despertado, o eres un fascista (las medias tintas distraen de enfocar la pluralidad como enemigo). Pues eso, interesante, pero propagandístico.
Conjunto de pequeños ensayos que van haciendo un análisis, siempre desde la perspectiva del materialismo dialéctico, de las diferentes fases de lo que ha venido a denominarse la Revolución Española.
La estructura que emana de la ideología del marxismo-leninismo hace que los juicios se hagan de una manera que resulta incomprensible -y pone los pelos como escarpias- a los que no profesamos esa ideología.
Cpntrapone permanentemente el condicionamiento dialectico de la historia (al que da el nombre de libertad ¡fijate!) al determinismo mecánico...
Cuando habla del hombre dice obrero, campesino, soldado, pequeñoburgués, enemigo de ls revolución... Nunca se refiere a él por lo que es.
Después de leer este libro se observa la falacia de Arcadia feliz, que quieren vendernos, de la II República Española.
All kinds of people who don't know anything about what it means throw around the term "popular front." The explanation in 'Britannica' would be correct if you substitute "bourgeois" for "middle-class." (They haven't had much to do with each other since feudalism, and while Spain had far more feudal remnants than the rest of Europe, it still was an advanced capitalist country):
"... popular front, any coalition of working-class and middle-class parties united for the defense of democratic forms against a presumed Fascist assault. In the mid-1930s European Communist concern over the gains of Fascism, combined with a Soviet policy shift, led Communist parties to join with Socialist, liberal, and moderate parties in popular fronts against Fascist conquest. In France and Spain, popular front governments were formed."
A coalition of bourgeois parties with workers' parties! That's what the Bolsheviks overthrew! There was a revolution already in progress, and workers were at the beginning winning against Franco's clerical-fascists. The Stalinists didn't want a socialist revolution! They wanted to impress the British and American ruling classes with how moderate they were. They were not impressed, and the revolution went down to defeat. There were a lot more workers and peasants who hated the fascists than there were Spanish ruling class figures who preferred to have a semblance of a democratic government.
Andrés Nin had been a leader of the Left Opposition who corresponded with Trotsky (some of their correspondence is printed here). But rather than build a party based on the politics of Trotsky's Left Opposition, Nin engineered a fusion with the Right Opposition. Why? Because its leader Joaquín Maurín was a friend of his from the Spanish Communist Party before the Left and Right were expelled. The Left and Right together formed the POUM (Workers Party of Marxist Unification).
You will find history books that call the POUM "Trotskyist," but Trotsky certainly didn't think it was. There was little that the Left and Right Oppositions agreed on. Some POUM officers burned books by Trotsky if they found soldiers reading them. They didn't have a coherent position on the Popular Front.
It's true that the POUM workers fought better than anyone else, but that had to do more with the historical role of Catalonia than with the politics of the POUM.
The Spanish workers didn't need an International Brigade (there were lots of good people who fought, but the Stalinists primarily needed it to get more Stalinists from other countries into Spain to behead the revolution). George Orwell wound up in the POUM, and his book 'Homage to Catalonia reading, despite the fact that he didn't understand what Stalinism was and wasn't interested in learning.
Before reading Trotsky, you might want to read SWP leader Felix Morrow's book Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Spain. It's not as well annotated, but it's easier reading.
مجموعة من الرسائل التي كان يبعث بها تروتسكي لعدد من قادة الثورة الاسبانية و لعدد من الاحزاب اليسارية و بالتحديد الشيوعيين التروتسكيين و اللينينيين منهم،يحاول من خلالها اذكاء روح ثورة دكتاتورية بروليتارية في اسبانيا. يغلب طابع توظيف الصراع الثوري في اسبانيا في معركة الستالينيةالتروتسكية التي بقيت اعوام طويلة مسيطرة على التفكير الشيوعي،بعد وفاة لينين و هو الأمر الذي حوّل هذه الشيوعية من الثورية الأممية الى الانتهازية الفكرية،و هو أمر بإمكان أي مطّلع على الثورة الاسبانية أن يلحظه في لحظات تخلي الحزب الشيوعي الروسي عن الثوار الاسبان و تحكمه بتحركات الحزب الشيوعي الاسباني،ناهيك عن محاولات تروتسكي تكوين نقيض له في سعي كل منهما لاحتكار الثورة،و توظيفها فيما بعد من أجل السيطرة على الأممية،و هي أمور تبين حجم اانحطاط الذي وصل اليه قادة الثورة البلشفية و تأثير صراعاتهم الفردية على سحق التحركات الثورية في أحيان كثيرة.
Very good book detailing Trotsky's analysis as to why the Spanish Revolution failed to usher in a communist government let alone a democratic government but rather Franco's fascists were successful due to the communists entering into a popular front with other parties which was detrimental and fatal for the communists and the revolution. Stalinists played a huge role in this Popular front government for Stalin feared the Trotskysts and the left opposition more than supporting the Spanish workers and the peasants.
أن تتطور الحركة الثورية بعنف دون قيادة سليمة وتنتهي بانفجار قد تسنغله القوى المضادة للثورة
فقط نشأ خلال فترة الديكتاتورية، جيل جديد من العمال يفتقد للتجربة السياسية المستقلة
ما من أحد قال أن الطريق الثوري يضمن النصر أتوماتيكي، فليس الطريق بذاته هو الحاسم بل الحاسم هو تطبيقه الصحيح، والتوجه الماركسي في مجرى الأحداث، والتنظيم الثوري، وثقة الجماهير المكتسبة عبر تجربة طويلة، وقيادة جريئة وحاذقة إن قضية كل صراع تعتمد على لحظة وظروف الصراع وعلى علاقة القوى
أنا أخالف ليون هنا لا أعتقد وجود ثورة بمرجعية وأدولوجية، هي فقط تكون نداء ضد طغيان وسوء إدارة أمة، وليست بالمركاسية أو الشيوعية أو حتى الرأسمالية، هي فقط حركة يفعلها الجماهير الذين ضجروا من تردي حالة البلاد التي يعيشون بها
لغة الكتاب سهلة ولكنها مملة، ولم يذهب ليون إلى الحديث عن حركة الجماهير أو العمال فقط تحدث عن الأفكار الأدلوجية التي تنادى بها الحركات أو الثورات في المنطقة المحيطة حينها وكيف أثرت تلك الأفكار على السياسة في أسبانيا