بيت بمنازل كثيرة:الكيان اللبناني بين التصوّر والواقع

by Kamal Salibi

Today Lebanon is one of the world's most divided countries. But paradoxically the faction-ridden Lebanese, both Christians and Muslims, have never shown a keener consciousness of common identity. How can this be? In the light of modern scholarship, a famous Lebanese writer and scholar examines the historical myths on which his country's warring communities have based their conflicting visions of the Lebanese nation. He shows that Lebanon cannot afford this divisiveness, that in order to develop and maintain a sense of political unity, it is necesary to distinuish fact from fiction and then build on what is real in the common experience of both groups.
Salibi offers a major reinterpretation of Lebanese history and provides remarkable insights into the dynamic of Lebanon's recent conflict. In so doing, he illuminates important facets of his country's present and future. This book also gives a masterly account of how the imagined communities that underlie modern nationalism are created and will be of interest to students of international affairs as well as Near Eastern scholars.

Genres: History, Lebanon, Middle East, Nonfiction, Politics, Religion

312 pages, Paperback

First published June 9, 1988

Reviews

[فايز غازي Fayez Ghazi · Rating 3 out of 5]

- سأبدأ من العنوان الذي اعتقد انه خاطئ لغوياً فالبيت لا يتضمن المنزل بينما المنزل قد يتضمن بيوت عديدة وبذلك يكون الأدق ان يكون "منزل ببيوت كثيرة" او منزل بغرف كثيرة، ولو كنت كاتب الكتاب لأسميته غابة بكهوف كثيرة!! (سننتظر التأكيد اللغوي من الأصدقاء المتعمقين في اللغة).

- الكتاب لا شك بأنه يشكل نقداً لطروحات "كمال الصليبي" السابقة وتحولاً كبيراً في فكره وهذا يظهر بالمقارنة البسيطة بين هذا الكتاب وكتابه "تاريخ لبنان الحديث" حيث انه نقد العديد من النظريات التي كانت مسلمات له في كتبه السابقة كفكرة لبنان الملجأ!

- الكتاب ينقد الأطروحات اليمينية المؤسسة لفكرة لبنان، تلك الإسطورة القائلة بتاريخ لبناني اصيل يبدأ مع الفينيقيين وينقطع عن التاريخ العربي والإسلامي المجاور. يستعرض الكاتب التاريخ والأصول والهجرات والأحداث والتدوينات ويعرض للرأي والرأي الآخر ويغلّب فكرة على فكرة بعد تبيان نقاط القوة والضعف. ومعظم الفصول كانت من اجل نقد بل نقض هذه الفكرة تحديداً وما نشأ عنها لاحقاً من مفاهيم (كالقومية اللبنانية والأمة اللبنانية والكيان الأزلي وغيرها...). كما انه يعرض للكثير من الأكاذيب والتضليلات التي حشوا رأسنا بها.

- في معرض استعراضه للقومية السورية، اوحى الكاتب للقارئ بأنها اتت كردة فعل او كحل وسطي بين القومية اللبنانية من جهة والقومية العربية من جهة اخرى، وهذا غير صحيح! كما اوحى للقارئ بأن أنطون سعادة صاغ هذا المفهوم من خلفية دينية (وصفه: المسيحي الأرثودكسي اللبناني (79)) كما جعله امتداد لإطروحات الأب لامنس وهذا ينم عن تجني واضح وعدم فهم لطروحات انطون سعادة،

- النقطة السلبية التالية كانت غياب المراجع، فمع كامل احترامي للكاتب وقدرته ومقدرته فكتاب كهذا كان يجب ان يكون موثقاً بالمراجع المعتمدة.

- بالختام، اذا كان فهم التاريخ هو الطريق الطبيعي لرسم المستقبل، فإن تاريخنا لا يقف عند طائفة او عشيرة بل له امتدادات موغلة في القدم علينا ان ننظر اليها بعين الإنفتاح لا الإنعزال كمصدر للغنى الثقافي والقيمي وعلينا النظر الى المستقبل لأن حياتنا وحياة اولادنا ستجري في المستقبل واني على قناعة بأن هذا الكيان، وبعد ان خاض كل التجارب المرّة الممكنة من حروب وقتل وتهجير وعزل ونفي واستعلاء وطوائفية سياسية ... لا يمكن ان يقوم الا على اسس مدنية وعلمانية شاملة تفصل الدين عن الدولة وتمنع رجال الدين من التدخل في السياسة (والعكس بطبيعة الحال) من اجل اقامة دولة واحدة يعامل فيها الناس على اساس انتمائهم الوطني لا الطائفي.

[Zizi · Rating 2 out of 5]

I really wasn't sure how to rate this. It's well-written and translated, and it is a valuable piece of Arabist literature. The rating here does not reflect any flaws in the writing style of the book or mean that it's worthless garbage. Let me explain.

Salibi belonged to a school of writers who were heavily influenced by a sense of shared Arab identity. Rather than seeing this as just a linguistic quirk created by the Arab conquests over a thousand years ago, this school believed that all Arabs are inherently the same people spread out over a large area. In both this and his other works, Salibi works backwards from this conclusion and attempts to justify it.

Here is the problem: it is not true. Enormous parts of this book are simply false, mythological, or completely lack evidence. This should not be read as a book on Lebanon's history, because it is not one. It should be read as an idea, an expression of Arabism. So when you read that large parts of the people of Lebanon came from Yemen many centuries ago, be aware that this is Salibi's attempt to link the Levant to the heart of the Arab world by blood; it is not something based on reality (nowadays we have genetic tests that show--please try to hide your surprise--that virtually everyone in Lebanon is descended almost solely from people who already lived in Lebanon thousands of years ago, with the same being true of most of western Syria, Palestine, etc).

The same applies to many things that Salibi implies are facts in the book, related to everything from the Ghassanids to the Mamluk era. There is simply nothing to back up Salibi's claims, and readers should be aware of this. It is a speculative (or, to be less kind, mythological) version of what Salibi and likeminded people wanted Lebanon's history to be, as with his other works like The Bible Came from Arabia. It is valuable in that sense, but don't put this one on the history shelf.

[Rida Hariri · Rating 3 out of 5]

كتاب رائع للدكتور كمال الصليبي الذي توفي العام الفائت,,كتاب يفند كل النظريات حول تاريخ لبنان والتي روّج لها من طوائفه المختلفة دروزًا ومسلمين
ومسيحيين..الكتاب يبيّن لنا أن لبنان اليوم هو نفسه لبنان قبل 150 سنة في عهد القائماقميتين وما قبلها ليس الا مجموعة من زعماء العشائر والطوائف القبليين والذين يحكمون بعطاء من السلطة القائمة كما كان الحال وقت الدولة العثمانية أو بدعم خارجي كفرنسا وبريطانيا لاحقًاوالسعودية والولايات المتحدة وايران وغيرها حاليًا.
يبرهن الدكتور الصليبي أن كل الكلام الفارغ عن خصوصية مميزة للبنان عن محيطه وهو ما روجت له المارونية السياسية دائمًا ما هو الا تزييف للتاريخ وفي الوقت نفسه أكد أن كلام المسلمين عن الوحدة العربية لم يكن ذو أسس منطقية وحجج قوية فالوحدة العربية كانت ولا زالت الى اليوم مجرد فكرة عاطفية لم تصبح في يوم من الأيام منظومة واضحة الأهداف والأسس.

كتاب مهم جدًا يجب أن يقرأ من قبل الجميع لا لتصفية الحسابات وتأجيج الصراعات الطائفية بل لإيجاد الوسائل لكيفية النهوض مجددًا ببلد استطاع رغم كل شيء الحفاظ على وحدة الدولة كما يؤكد الكاتب في نهايته.
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من
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[Nour · Rating 5 out of 5]

I was required to read this book as part of an elective course I took at the American University of Beirut related to Lebanese History with Dr. Rabah, whom I believe deserves more recognition for his work and for everything he does in trying to change Lebanon, despite the cost of staying in the country and perhaps the risk that his efforts turn to dust.
It’s fairly hard to find objective books nowadays, especially books relating to Lebanese history -more precisely, to the civil war.
Dr. Salibi was a highly respected Historian. This book serves as an objective overview of the Lebanese social / political History (where do we come from ? How did we evolve ? -did we even evolve lol- are we Arabs, Phoenicians, or both ? Why do confessional tensions exist ? […])
I’m still waiting for the day Lebanon will prioritize its national interests over that of other States’, or other (often unrealistic and selfish) ideals. However, Lebanon seems doom to disintegrate over time. I don’t blame the politicians, I blame the supporters.
As Salibi puts it, “Development could make the blind see; and this, from the point of view of tribal leaderships, was politically undesirable.”
In a country where History is not formally written, I believe it is our individual job as Lebanese (who wish to see a change in Lebanon) to go through our own research journey to understand the developments that happened in the past leading us to Present-day Lebanon, and this book is a very good place to start.
Otherwise, we are bound to believe fictionalized versions of our History, which impedes our development as a Nation.
“For any people to develop and maintain a sense of political community, it is necessary that they share a common vision of their past. In communities having a natural solidarity, fictionalized history often suffices for this purpose.”

Excerpt From
A House of Many Mansions: The History of Lebanon Reconsidered
Kamal Salibi
This material may be protected by copyright.

-I wish to note,however, that the author’s reference to right-wing Lebanese Christian groups as “extremists” (Chapter 11) -(as though) putting them on equal rank with Islamists- is far fetched in my opinion.
In addition, I disagree with the author’s opinion regarding Lebanon’s (idealized) place in the Arab World, I think we can do without; but I am not one to judge the work of such an important figure as Salibi, and I admire his intellectual analysis.
All in all, a very useful read.

[Aicha Yakan عائشة يكن · Rating 4 out of 5]

"التاريخ ليس مجرد بحث عن معرفة، بل هو أيضًا بحث عن الفهم والإدراك، أي عن الحكمة. ولبيت الحكمة منازل كثيرة"
كتاب يستحق النقاش المعمق شرط ألا يتحول كالعادة إلى جدل سياسي عقيم..
كنت أتمنى على الكاتب ان يذكر المراجع بدقة لا أن يكتفي بذكر اسماء بعض الكتب ومؤلفيهم عرضا في المتن.
ثمة أطروحات كثيرة تحتاج إلى توثيق وتستحق ربما ورشة تفكير ونقاش.

[Paul · Rating 5 out of 5]

Kamal Salibi’s A House of Many Mansions is a comprehensive history of the geographic area now referred to as “Lebanon”. It aims to dispel the misinformation about the region’s past that has arisen since it became a nation in 1920. Salibi’s central idea is that violent conflict in Lebanon will not stop until its inhabitants come to consensus on the nation’s past, but he is optimistic because, despite the decade-long Civil War (at the time), “there has not been a time when the Muslims and Christians of Lebanon have exhibited, on the whole, a keener consciousness of common identity”. His objective, therefore, is to determine why this is.

A large portion of Salibi’s work is devoted to reviewing the history of “Lebanon” and sorting out the historicity of both Christian and Muslim claims. An expert in his subject matter, Salibi is able to provide the reader with a vast array of information. From the evidence, he argues that it is anachronistic for Arab nationalists to claim that Lebanon was ever part of Syria prior to 1920. Instead, the Lebanese region should be seen as having developed somewhat independently of Greater Syria. Two major communities, Muslim Druze and Maronite Christians, grew powerful in the region, with the former dominating for many years, particularly under the rule of the Maan family. The Maronites, however, “at every stage in their history, managed to accommodate to the prevailing political conditions in a manner which secured for them a privileged position”, and soon they were able to leverage their connections (among other things) to gain the upper hand under the Shihabi dynasty.

With that said, however, Salibi rejects Henri Lammens’ famous conception of Lebanon as having a historical identity as a refuge for persecuted Syrians, a notion that was used by the French during the mandatory period to justify their creation of an independent state. He also discredits the idea of Phoenicianism (Lebanon as having had a distinct, continual historical identity since the time of the Phoenicians), demonstrating that “between ancient Phoenicia and the Lebanon of medieval and modern times, there is no demonstrable historical connection” and “[n]ot a single institution or tradition of medieval or modern Lebanon can be legitimately traced back to ancient Phoenicia”. Throughout his book he makes an effort to dispel many others myths, old and new, about the history of the region. He denies, for example, that two of the most important figures, Fakhir-al-din Maan and Bashir Shihab II, could be considered founders of a modern Lebanon, arguing that both were strongmen and functionaries of the Ottoman Empire, and that their autonomy and feudal organization has been exaggerated.

Salibi argues that, since the founding of the Lebanese state, the locus of conflict has been the ideological (and, often, physical) battle between Arab nationalism and Lebanism. Lebanese citizens and leaders alike were more concerned with the “game” of Lebanese politics than national interests, while government representatives ignored constituents to cater to the demands of capitalist investors. In a system fractured by tribalism, these representatives then blamed hostility from other sects for the dearth of progress in their own constituencies. A lack of a common vision of the past has hindered the development of a sense of political community, but Salibi concludes that, based on an honest examination of the region’s past, there exists a foundation for a unified national history. With the realization that neither side can force their version of the past on the other, plus Arab concessions to Lebanon existing in the form it does today, “one need not invent a special history for Lebanon”. Christian Arabs, he argues, have more in common with Muslim Arabs than Western Christians, with a history that cannot be understood outside of the Islamic context, and this relationship is what forms the base of the Lebanese state. It is this understanding, he argues, that is necessary for the nation to move forward and put a final stop to its internal conflicts.

Salibi is well-versed in his subject matter and presents large amounts of information in quick succession, which can make it difficult to retain without careful note taking. Unlike other information-heavy texts, however, such as Albert Hourani’s Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, Salibi’s work has easily identifiable underlying arguments and themes that aid in comprehension, and the general narrative is accessible and easy to pick up. There is also a helpful, although arguably not sufficient, amount of repetition and signposting throughout the book, and his concluding chapter does an excellent job of summarizing his main points. Overall, Salibi’s style is easy to digest, making this a rare example of a complex, detailed work that is not overwhelming. While it has been argued that the author reduces the issues in Lebanon to a level that is oversimplified, those unfamiliar with the history of the region will find A House of Many Mansions to be a balanced and intelligible perspective on Lebanon, its civil war, and its history, even if the amount of detail can seem, at times, daunting.

[نبيه العاكوم · Rating 5 out of 5]

من أهم كتب تاريخ لبنان إن لم يكن أهمها على الإطلاق

بيت بمنازل كثيرة - كمال الصليبي

"لكي يتفق اللبنانيون على وضع السلاح جانباً وعلى أن يعيشوا بسلام وبتعاون تام معاً كمواطنين في بلد واحد، فإنه لا بدّ لهم أولاً من التوصل إلى إجماع حول ماهية الشيء الذي يجعل منهم أمّة أو دولة أو مجتمعاً سياسياً، ولا يمكن التوصل إلى هذا إلّا إذا نجحوا في الإتفاق على نظرة مشتركة إلى ماضيهم".

هكذا ختم كمال صليبي، المؤرخ اللبناني، مقدمته لكتابه المميز "بيت بمنازل كثيرة".
لم تكن قراءتي للكتاب مرّة واحدة كافية كغذاء عقلي في مجال تاريخ لبنان، فهذه المرة الثانية وربما سأعود لقراءته مرة ثالثة ورابعة. كتاب غني جداً بالمعلومات التاريخية، ولست أهلاً لانتقاده، ومن الصعب جداً تلخيصه بسبب الكمية الهائلة من المعلومات.

المؤرخ الصليبي يقدم أطروحة كاملة للتشابك الحاصل بين مختلف الطوائف اللبنانية حول تاريخ لبنان. هناك الجانب الإسلامي الذي يدّعي أن مهما يكن للبنان تاريخ يدّعيه لنفسه، فإنه لن يعدو في الواقع كونه جزءاً من تاريخ عربي أوسع. وجانب مسيحي، وبسبب إدارته الدفّة في الدولة اللبنانية منذ البداية، فقد وقع على عاتقه عبء التقدم برؤى تاريخية للبنان توفر أساساً نظرياً لمفهوم القومية اللبنانية يقبله الجميع.

تضم فصول هذا الكتاب تقويماً نقدياً للنظريات المسيحية، لاسيما نظريتا البطريرك الدويهي والمطران جبرائيل ابن القلاعي المختلفتان حول مجيء الموارنة إلى جبل لبنان وسبب هجرتهم من شمال الشام إلى الجبل؛ هل اضطهاداً من المسلمين كما يدّعي ابن القلاعي أو من البيزنطيين كما يؤرخ الدويهي؟ الصليبي يثبت أن الإضطهاد البيزنطي عام ١٠٠٠ ميلادي تقريباً هو سبب هجرة الموارنة من داخل الشام إلى جبل لبنان، كما أكد على ذلك البطريرك الدويهي لكنه أخطأ في التاريخ.
وكذلك الأمر، يقدم النظريات الإسلامية حول تاريخ لبنان، ليصل إلى نتيجة أن تلك النظريات، المسيحية والإسلامية، المتعارضة والمتعاكسة تكمن وراء النزاع السياسي الراهن في البلاد.

ومن بين النظريات التاريخية التي انتقدها الصليبي، نظرية الماروني طنوس الشدياق الذي يعتقد أن "المعنيين حلّوا محل البحتريين كأمراء لبلاد الدروز في العام ١٥١٦"، ويعتبرها "إختراع، وإن كان الشدياق نفسه ليس صاحب الإختراع". إذاً من مخترع هذه النظرية حسب الصليبي؟ يُكمل قائلاً "يبدو أن الشهابيين، أو أنصارهم الموارنة، كانوا قد اخترعوا القصة في وقت سابق لكي يوفروا للنظام الشهابي في لبنان، كخلف للنظام المعني، شرعية عثمانية تعود بتاريخها إلى أول أيام العهد العثماني في الشام". أما النظرية التي يتبناها الصليبي، فهي نفسها نظرية الدكتور عبد الرحيم أبو حسين، والتي قمت بتقديمها على صفحتي منذ أيام قليلة في كتابه "صناعة الأسطورة".

حسب الصليبي، فإن العثمانيين التفتوا إلى آل معن في الشوف، بعد تأديبهم في عدة حملات، ووقع الإختيار على فخر الدين معن وعينوه "أمير لواء" للتخفيف من الخطر الشيعي في جبل لبنان والبقاع وجبل عامل مع انبعاث القوة الصفوية في بلاد فارس. ويؤكد على نظرية أن "فخر الدين لم يكن في عهده أميراً على وطن لبناني، كما أنه لم يؤسس دولة لبنانية"، كما يعتقد الكثير من المؤخرين والتي اعتُمدت في المناهج التعليمية في لبنان. الصليبي يؤكد أن طبيعة الحكمين المعني والشهابي عبارة عن "إلتزام عثماني وتعهد محلي لجباية الضرائب".

انتقد الصليبي نظرية اعتبار جبل لبنان هو "الملجأ"، ويشكك في الهجرات إليه من قبل الدروز والشيعة، ويؤكد على أن الحكام، سواء كانوا مماليك أو عثمانيين، كان باستطاعتهم دخول الجبل وقت شاؤوا لفرض الضرائب. الصليبي ينفي أيضاً خصوصية محددة لجبل لبنان عن سائر أراضي الإمبراطورية العثمانية، ويعتبر علاقة الحاكم في الجبل مع الأوروبيين هو ضمن سياق التدخل الأوروبي في كثير من مناطق العثمانيين في تلك الفترة "ولم يكن ما هو خارج عن المألوف في المنطقة".

أجمل الفصول تلك التي يقوم المؤرخ الصليبي بتسليط الضوء على أصل الموارنة، من أقحاح العرب لغةً وأصلاً، وعلاقتهم بكنيسة روما، وسبب إنفصالهم بادئ الأمر عن جسم الكنيسة المسكونية التي منها كنيسة روما، ومن ثم العودة إليها بعد فشل الإتحاد بين الكنيستين البيزنطية والرومانية، والتي أعقبها سقوط القسطنطينية بيد العثمانيين عام ١٤٥٣.

يلخص الصليبي إلى اعتبار أنه" كان ولاء الموارنة لانتماءاتهم العشائرية في شمال لبنان قد تجاوز دوما لمقدّمي القرية أو المنطقة، وتجاوز حتى ولاءهم للكنيسة". هذا ما نلحظه اليوم وخلال الحرب الأهلية. ويكمل الصليبي "عندما فقد موارنة كسروان وجبل الشوف تنظيمهم العشائري بتحولهم إلى فلاحين لحساب أسياد مُلّاك من المشايخ الموارنة والدروز، لم يعد باستطاعتهم أن يحافظوا على تضامنهم الإجتماعي كجماعة إلا بالتحول إلى كنيستهم بحثاً عن قيادة لهم".

عن القومية العربية ودور البعثات التبشيرية الإنجيلية في نشر هذه الأفكار تحدث الصليبي، ومنها "الكلية الإنجيلية السورية" التي تأسست عام ١٨٦٦ وأصبحت فيما بعد "الجامعة الأميركية في بيروت"؛ ثم تبني الفرنسيين لفكر مخالف وهي "القومية السورية" لمواجهة فكرة العروبة والتي اتخذت "جامعة القديس يوسف اليسوعية" مركزاً لها والتي تأسست عام ١٨٧٥. النظرية الأخيرة تؤكد على "سورية الطبيعية" وعلى تمييز جبل لبنان باعتباره "ملجأ المضطهدين".

من التصدع الطبقي الذي حصل بظهور طبقة من الموارنة الأثرياء وحصول تحوّلات اجتماعية بين الموارنة في كسروان ومناطق الدروز بتشجيع من الكنيسة، إلى الطموحات السياسية المسيحية التي بدأت تضغط على الإمتيازات التقليدية للمشايخ الدروز المحليين، اندلعت ما سميت ب"ثورة الفلاحين" بقيادة طانيوس شاهين والتي مهدت لقيامة نظام القائمقاميتين عام ١٨٤٢ والتي أدت لاحقاً لمذبحة ١٨٦٠ وقيام المتصرفية.
بدا النظام في المتصرفية، لمن شاء أن يركز على إيجابياته، مثالاً برّاقاً للديمقراطية المتحررة وللتقدم الإجتماعي في العالم العربي. ولكن عشائرية الجبل، بشعاراتها الطائفية، استمرّت كامنة وراء ستار الديموقراطية وقناع التقدم في المجتمع اللبناني، معلنة عن وجودها ومؤكدة له كلما سنحت الفرصة لذلك. كان جبل لبنان بوصف الصليبي عبارة عن "تمثال من النحاس المذهب اللماع، يُنظر إليه من حوله بدهشة وإعجاب، والتمثال يقف على رجلين من الخزف".

وعند قيام دولة لبنان الكبير، أرادت المؤسسة المسيحية الحاكمة أن تعطي مسوغاً تاريخياً لوجود لبنان كبير مستقل عن سورية وعن العروبة، فدرج القول بأن القومية اللبنانية ما هي إلا تحدّر مباشر ومشروع من الهوية القومية القديمة للفينيقيين، تماماً كما أن تاريخ لبنان في العصور الوسطى والحديثة ما هو إلا استمرار لتاريخ فينيقيا منذ القدم.
ينتقد الصليبي النظرية الفينيقويّة، "على كل حال، فإذا كان لأحد حق في أن يدّعي تحدره من قدامى الفينيقيين، فإن أصحاب هذا الحق هم مسلمو المدن الساحلية من السنة الذين اعتبروا أنفسهم عرباً، وليس مسيحيّو الجبال… ولقد تطورت النزعة الفينيقويّة في الأوساط اللبنانية المسيحية كعقيدة أكثر منها كنظرية سياسية عقلانية".

أكتفي بهذا القدر…

[Santi Ruiz · Rating 3 out of 5]

Lebanese historiography, good on the basics and on the relationship between Arabism and Islamism. But overidealistic in its political reading, for example

“The National Pact provided Lebanon with an ideal framework for a working democracy. What was needed for it to function was a society with a broad civic base genuinely committed to its principles. However, it was exactly this that was lacking.” If the rule you followed brought you to this, of what use was the rule?

[Clare · Rating 4 out of 5]

I came into this book knowing only basic things about the history of Lebanon -- whatever I'd learned in world history in school and from books or articles I'd read over the years because of my interest in the region. Kamal Salibi's account and analysis of the history of Lebanon assumed a much better base knowledge than I had; granted, I don't believe I'm his target audience. The book seemed geared towards either other historians or to the Lebanese who may have learned various versions of history based on religious and tribal affiliations. Publishing this work during the civil war, Salibi ends it with a call for the Lebanese to focus not on the various retellings of the history of Lebanon or of Arabs, but to focus on "the story of the social and cultural development of Lebanese society" as something that all groups could get behind. Of course, this call is reflective of Salibi's viewpoint.

I admire the rigor and care with which Salibi examined the political, social, and geographical history of Lebanon in order to make sense of the civil war that was ongoing at the time of publication. He sheds light on historical inaccuracies that various groups use to justify their identity or claim to land (whether that's a Greater Lebanon or Syria or united Arabia) and presented each in fairness to stress how history can be used to make social or political gains to mask or push religious and tribal agendas. The narrative form and clean writing style make the detailed historical accounts a pleasure to read.

I adore how Salibi dedicated sections of the book to discuss the geographic ties that history has. In the ninth chapter, he wrote "geography in some respects can be as important as history" after noting that the main link between Phoenicians and modern-day Lebanese were how they were described by others. As land is often at the root of conflict across history, I appreciated the human geography angle that Salibi took, both to set the stage for the deeper accounts he would provide later in the work, but also because geography was deeply ingrained in various historical arguments for the creation of Lebanon, namely the not totally accurate story that the Lebanon mountains served as a refuge for religious minorities like the Maronites, Druze, and Twelver Shiites. This unique analysis would be beneficial to understanding many other histories and should be considered a standard to meet in history books.

I'd be very curious to see an updated version of this book to reflect the events after the civil war to modern day. Post-civil war, do we still see similar arguments and delineations of identity? How has this changed in the wake of different political and economic crises? There is a bitter irony in no true government power currently existing in Lebanon and various unfounded or not wholly accurate claims throughout history that some sort of Lebanon-like governed entity existed (since Phoenician times) and therefore partly justified the creation of Lebanon under French mandate in 1920. Salibi's adept historical analysis and straight-forward, detail-oriented style would have proved valuable. I sincerely hope modern historians who dissect the history of Lebanon take up the reigns from the late Salibi and expand this work through to modern day.

I am left with many questions and rabbit holes to explore which is always a pleasure after finishing non-fiction (though not so much fiction ;) ). I can sense I will spend a great time in any national museums or historical societies when I'm able to visit Lebanon.

[Wissam Raji · Rating 3 out of 5]

This book is about the history of Lebanon and mainly about the interaction between the different sects in a country where in his opinion, tribalism is the ruling force of this interaction. The main point of this book that the author tried to make is that Maronites in particular and Christians, in general, are originally Arabs. However, he blames Muslims for distorting history and identifying the history of Arabs with the history of Islam which created a sense of rejection for Christians to acknowledge this identity. I believe the author did not really present any pieces of evidence of this claim but rather trying to connect certain dots together to reach this conclusion. The book offers an acceptable summary of the history of Maronites and the history of their survival that dates back to the 6th century when St. Maroun and his followers disagreed about the nature of Christ with other Arab Christian sects and had to face persecutions and then their immigration to the North of Lebanon wherein the 11th century and with the support of the crusades, they started channeling their political energy. The good relations with the Druze in Mount Lebanon from the 16th till the 19th century brought a sense of stability for both until 1860. Then for the establishing of Greater Lebanon in 1920 where the Maronites played the major role with the French to have the present day Lebanon. The political turmoil in his opinion will continue in Lebanon as long there is no clear acceptance to the historical facts without different sects undermining the roles of other sects.

[Rudy Youssef · Rating 4 out of 5]

بيت بمنازل كثيرة ليس كتاب تاريخ عادي، بل هو محاولة لتفكيك السرديات الوطنية اللبنانية التاريخية وطرحها من منطلق علمي وواقعي. ساهم هذا الأمر بالكشف عن مواضيع وأفكار طالما سادت في الحوارات والناقشات الإعلامية والسياسية والإجتماعية وكانت دائماً مثيرة للجدل. وقد تكون هذه أساسية في محاولة فهم تاريخ لبنان المعقد.

فقد قدم الدكتور صليبي رحلة تاريخية شيقة عبر عصور لبنان المختلفة، حاول من خلالها رسم صورة متكاملة عن النسيج اللبناني المعقد. تناول مواضيع عدة مثل تاريخ الطوائف، الخصوصية اللبنانية التاريخية، والصراع على هوية قومية جامعة. ورغم أن الكاتب لم يتبع في شرحه تسلسل زمني معين، إستطاع أن يربط الأفكار ببعضها بطريقة سلسة ومتجانسة تجذب القارئ.

الملفت أن هذا الكتاب نشر في العام ١٩٨٨، اواخر الحرب الأهلية اللبنانية، وهي فترة كان البلد قد شهد فيها أعلى مستويات العنف والدمار بين احزابه وطوائفه المختلفة. وبالرغم أن الكتاب لا يناقش أسباب الحرب بشكل مباشر، نجح في توضيح، ولو بشكل مبسط، جذور الخلافات بين الأفرقاء المتحاربة. فتظهر الحرب على أنها ذروة الصراع على تاريخ لبنان الذي عرضه الكاتب ببراعة.

[Mona · Rating 3 out of 5]

Very insightful reading that digs deep into Lebanon's past. Salibi makes a really good job in considering the power dynamics, especially religious, through time. We realize that the seeds for the "civil" war were actually planted decades before it took place. The main critic that I always have with Salibi's writings is his emphasis on religious divisions, instead of further exploring the class elements that are central to what happened and is still happening in Lebanon.

[Noueman Maalouf · Rating 4 out of 5]

تاريخ البلد، تاريخ عشائر كان وما زال. يوّضح الكاتب عروبة أهل هذه البقعة الجغرافية، وينتقد القومية العربيّة للا خصوصية للبنان العثماني تختلف عن وافع المنطقة. ويوّضح كيف أن الموارنة وصلوا بأعداد كبيرة بعد العام ١٠٠٠ على عكس سرديتهم، وقد تهجروا إلى لبنان جراء اضطهاد المسيحيين لهم لا المسلمين. لم يكن فخر الدين موحّد الجغرافية بل مجرّد أمير جابي للضرائب. ومن المعلومات الطريفة أصل اسم المعاملتين. واعتماد الفرنسيين بيت الخازن قناصل لهم أول وصولهم.
"هناك طرق لا متناهية يمكن من خلالها إعادة النظر في تاريخ لبنان بما هو في صالح اللبنانيين، وخير للعالم العربي عمومًا"

[Naim Frewat · Rating 5 out of 5]

The book of reference for most -if not all- of the history books covering I've seen whole sections of it shamelessly summarized in newspaper articles without due credit for it. In one, very long, YouTube interview with a young Lebanese historian, the "real" history of Fakhreddine is taken verbatim from Salibi's book without due reference, if my memory serves me right.
It reads like a story; not a fiction one because this book -to the best of its ability- tries to take out any fictional thread that the Lebanese, for various reasons -ideological, existential or simple ignorance- have woven into the national narrative in the past 400 years, starting with Estephan Ad Douaihy's "Tarikh Al Azmina".
This isn't a proper History of Lebanon book, as Hitti's Loubnan fil Tarikh (in some editions Tsrikh Loubnan) or Botrous Dib's Histoire du Liban, which are chronological accounts of Lebanon.
This book was published in 1988 towards the end of the war, but at the height of it for those who were living it and couldn't foresee any end to it. As such, its publication serves an objective -its title very revealing of this- which is that the 17 or 18 officially recognized confessions can coexist under the same roof. To do so, it isn't enough to say "I coexist with you" but a deep cleaning is needed in all of the various confessions' historical narratives as well as in the -once- dominant Arab nationalism's vision of the history of Arabs.
This book does exactly that and it shatters images or concepts we grew up with such as of Fakhreddine himself, the (very dear to me) concept of Lebanon as a mont-refuge as well as the famed Lebanese specificity. Those faint of the heart, approach these pages very cautiously.
Salibi's narration is very fluid, it didn't take me much to finish the book but that's also because the book doesn't interrupt the flow with references. There isn't a single footnote in the book and I wonder if this is my edition or if he purposefully did not want that.
I'm tending to think it's the latter because the book is more of an analysis of a long past that got us exactly to where we were in 1988 because -among others- a very erroneous interpretation of history fron all warring sides. As such, unless when talking specifically about a historical figure, individuals do not exist and it's groups who are treated as a whole. This allows conclusions, sometimes, in my opinion, quite summarily, without the obligation if references. At times this was frustrating, especially when going through the modern period, as I was thirsty for some names just to be able to form a more accurate image of events very close to us, such as the formation of the constitution or he Phoenicianist ideology, for example.
There are also hasty conclusions, in my opinion, or sentences which shouldn't have made the editing cut, such as when telling us that Abdallah Al Tannoukhi never used force in his life. These are part of the legend surrounding a figure rather than facts. On the other hand, why can't we use such descriptions on Fakhreddine for example? An example of a hasty conclusion is one in which Saliby pulverizes the specificity of Lebanon over pages but then tells us that an American "geographist", while passing through Lebanon, remarks that it's the weather which probably attracted immigration to Lebanon's mountains.
In destroying our specificity, Salibi comes to the conclusion that the Lebanese have no particular merit, neither does their sociological organization (as it is tribal more than civilized) but a mercantile objective, trading with Europe, which the Ottomans smartly tolerated or even played to their advantage coupled with good weather that made us who we are. This is brutally laid out there and I'm not sure if this is the truth or if it serves the purpose of shocking the militias and their civilian supporters back then
The mercantile theory is frequently pulled in this book to help explain Salibi's theories. I was irritated by that for two reasons:
1- Mercantilism was used as a supporting argument by the Phoenicianist proponents to create some sort of a continuity between the Phoenicians and the modern-day Lebanese but Salibi wants none of this continuity
2- The mercantile theory was too easily pulled to help explain why the Chehabs converted to Maronites and I certainly do not ascribe to this interpretation.
Because one has the feeling that Salibi was writing breathlessly and wanted to get us to truly see ourselves, our nation, our sects, our micro-histories for what they truly are, these hasty conclusions and statements are easily tolerated when weighed against the wealth in self-criticism -and consequently in knowledge- one gains when putting down the book.

[Stephen · Rating 5 out of 5]

Published in 1988, just prior to the closing, and nastiest, battles of the Civil War Salibi offers the Lebanese here a portrait of hope for the future by unpicking all the national and confessional myths that fueled the conflict and previous conflicts [1958, 1860] in an attempt to discover the true nature of what it means to be Lebanese.
Reading it in November 2019- February 2020 post Cedar Revolution of 2005, post 33 Day War of 2006, post 2008 mini Civil War and during the 'New' Revolution against Government financial corruption one wonders if anyone in Lebanon actually read this book given that Lebanon now has gone beyond constructive criticism. Chapters 9, 10 and 11 [Phoenicia Resurrected, Trial and Error, and The War over Lebanese History] are worth repeated readings to understand the predicament Lebanon has found itself in since at least Independence in 1943, if not earlier.
Salibi pulls no punches and takes no sides finding all religions and political stances equally culpable of creating, cementing and deploying historical myths in the struggle for over who controls Lebanon.
A House of Many Mansions is an excellent overview of what is known for certain about the geographic location called The Republic of Lebanon and is essential reading to understand one of the most beautiful, complex and frustrating land and peoples the world has to offer.

[Elio Nakouzi · Rating 4 out of 5]

This book is definitely interesting, but not as a primary historical account. Instead it is a challenge to some of the false public perceptions that have seeped through the Lebanese mindsets.

Although it is not a completely revolutionary reconsideration of Lebanese history, it definitely challenges some popular (and sometimes mainstream) notions. Some examples are that the Lebanese are phoenician and not arab, that Mount Lebanon is a historical refuge for religious minorities, that Lebanon was truly unique during Ottoman rule, that the Lebanese have historically been a beacon of hope and progress in the Orient. The author suggests a historical context for every one of these suppositions to show that they are at least partially false.

I think it is an important read for most Lebanese and in a way a call to reconsider history.

[Gus · Rating 5 out of 5]

I wish they'd have taught us the history of Lebanon using this book rather than the insipid tales they used in school.

This book is an eye opener on the roots of the issues the country and the region still deal with. After reading it, you'll understand a little bit better the backstories and the motivations of the different religious and political groups.

A must-read for anyone interested in the identity of the Lebanese people.

[هشام السعيد · Rating 5 out of 5]

Amazing book ! Recommended for those who want to know the background of the civil war of lebanon,
It includes also a summary for Lebanon over the history since thousands of years and up to date...

I will add it to my favorite books :)

[Samer Kallas · Rating 5 out of 5]

كتاب أكثر من رائع، خاصة لمحبي التاريخ والأنتروبولوجيا وأصول الإثنيات. مهم جداً لنعرف جيداً ماهي بنية مجتمعنا وأمراضه، وما أسباب خلافاتنا الفئوية
وكيف نستطيع العيش ككيان واحد مجتمعين

[Chris · Rating 3 out of 5]

Fascinating - and clear why this is still considered a “must read” re Lebanon. It has been argued elsewhere that a nation is merely a group of people with a shared myth about its past - but what if a people cannot agree on their history? How is peace to be found? How is a nation made without shared imagination? Salibi takes this angle while exploring ~1400 years of regional history through Maronite, Druze, Sunni and Shia eyes. Those with more contextual knowledge of regional history, eg of the Roman or Ottoman Empires, will get more out of this than me, I suspect, as I feel I lost dates as soon as I read them. But, with detail and care, Salibi debunks popular political/religious myths around Lebanon’s origins and instead invites the reader to accept a complex story of discrete yet interconnected communities that present a rich abstract tapestry rather than a clear storyline. While this is not great material for building a unifying national mythology (which would be useful in combatting civil war), it instead gives space and legitimacy for the historical and extant diversity that gives todays Lebanon much of its richness. I think it is rather optimistic to think this will find any purchase in the face of demagoguery - but nonetheless an important piece of scholarship.

[Sarafarhat · Rating 4 out of 5]

This books gives a thorough history of Maronites and Druze communities in Mount Liban and what lead to the creation of the republic of Lebanon. I think it is a must read for every Lebanese person curious about what Lebanon was prior-to its independence. I wish the writer touched upon the other communities in lebanon like Sunnis, Shiite, Armenians, and Jewish communities which probably are non existent by now. I feel like it’s focused on the maronites and the Druze and in turn it missed some other narratives. I know Jabal Ammel was a rich area back in the day before being ransacked by the ottomans and he failed to touch upon that history and how it played a role. The map at the the beginning of the book through me off because it is supposed to be an old map of mount Liban yet the author or publisher chose to show Israel as a region ( which probably was not the case back in the day) given that Lebanon didn’t even exist. All in all I found the history to be interesting, part of me wishes there were more references to the things that were written instead of them being stories.

[H KiLas · Rating 4 out of 5]

In this book, Kamal Salibi presents a pioneering confessionalist narrative of Lebanon's history, offering a comprehensive overview of the diverse communities that make up the Lebanese nation. Tracing back to ancient times, Salibi delves into the civilizations that existed in Lebanon and its surrounding regions, providing valuable insights into the history of religions and neighboring countries.
This read is particularly beneficial for history enthusiasts, as it not only explores Lebanon's history but also provides a broader understanding of the entire region. However, it should be noted that the narrative heavily emphasizes the sectarian and confessional aspects of Lebanese politics, overlooking other significant factors such as socioeconomic influences that shaped the country's political landscape.

[asmaa☁️ · Rating 5 out of 5]

“History is not merely a search for knowledge. It is also a search for understanding and the house of understanding has many mansions.”

This book is a great starting point if you’re interested in early Lebanese history, or if you, a Lebanese like me, were having an existential crisis and needed any kind of answers badly. Would’ve loved to read more about how class played a role in shaping the history of the country, but honestly the book has achieved everything it set out to do. Also I appreciate that it was meticulously put together, masterfully written, and yet also accessible. 10/10 - would shove it in all of my Lebanese friends faces :))

[Ricardo Tannus · Rating 2 out of 5]

I was gifted this book by a Lebanese friend who told me it was a good glimpse into Lebanese history. Having Lebanese ancestry I was quite excited to delve into it, however, this is not exactly about Lebanese history.

Though not badly written per se, Mr. Salibi riffs on and on about the different theories or schools of thought of how the Lebanese society came to be and - spoiler alert - there’s no consensus.

So all in all, it feels more like a book on historical theories (albeit an inconclusive one at that) than a book on Lebanon’s history, hence the letdown.

[Danny · Rating 4 out of 5]

Rather than a history of Lebanon, A House of Many Mansions traces the many historiographies that have shaped debates about Lebanese identity. Salibi does a masterful job of not only deconstructing these historiographies but all explaining how they have contributed to the schisms that divide Lebanese society and that contributed to the Civil War. Salibi challenges both Lebanese and Arab nationalist view of Lebanon's history. At times it can feel that Salibi is repeating himself, but over all this book is helpful for anyone who already has an understanding of Lebanese history.

[Hachette-Antoine]

عرض الدكتور كمال الصليبي في مختلف أعماله حول لبنان، التحولات التي طرأت على خريطة لبنان المذهبية منذ العصور الإسلامية الأولى حتى القرن العشرين، وصراع الافكار بدءاً من «لبنان الكبير» على وجه الخصوص، وكان له موقف من الحرب الأهلية. ختم كتابه «بيت بمنازل كثيرة» بالقول إن التاريخ ليس مجرّد رواية لأحداث الماضي، بل هو أيضاً بحث عن الفهم والإدراك، وأن المجتمعات المنقسمة على نفسها لا تتحمّل ترف تزييف ماضيها.

https://al-akhbar.com/Opinion/36824
https://al-akhbar.com/Opinion/36908

[Aref Taleb · Rating 5 out of 5]

Amazing book. As a lebanese Australian, I am living in the diaspora, and over the years, I have heard so much about the civil war from family and all the conflicting versions of history.

This book helped provide me with the historical context and provided a platform for shared understanding and connection for all lebanese people.

The ideas and learnings in this book will help rebuild lebanon and foster connections across religious and political lines.

[Ninette Kamel · Rating 5 out of 5]

كتاب غنيّ ومهمّ وممتع في آن واحد، نتعرّف من خلاله على تاريخ لبنان، البلد المتعدّد الأقطاب، بكل دقّة وموضوعيّة. كما أنّنا نكتشف بأن كل التاريخ الذّي تعلّمناه في المدارس مزيّف ويحتاج لإعادة صياغة بطريقة يوافق عليها الجميع. ومن هنا، يمكننا أن نبدأ ببناء بلد موحّد غير مهدّد للانقسام بوجه العواصف الدوليّة.

[Sara · Rating 4 out of 5]

There is no objective history, even less so in the case of Lebanon; but I’ve come to understand from Lebanese friends that this book is as close as it gets. Some sections read almost like long genealogies, as power flows from one family group or tribe to the next but there are many good takeaways on Lebanese culture and politics that still ring true today.

[Fadl · Rating 5 out of 5]

This is one good book that every Lebanese should read.
The historian Kamal El Salibi with high objectivity, paints the history of Lebanon as specific, and the Levant in general. His brush uses sociology, economy, religion and faith, tribalism, geography, and language, to provide a dynamic painting whose color intensity changes at different times in history.