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Waking from the Dream: The Struggle for Civil Rights in the Shadow of Martin Luther King, Jr.
The author of A Stone of Hope, called “one of the three or four most important books on the civil rights movement” by The Atlantic Monthly, turns his attention to the years after Martin Luther King’s assassination—and provides a sweeping history of the struggle to keep the civil rights movement alive and to realize King’s vision of an equal society.
In this arresting and groundbreaking account, David L. Chappell reveals that, far from coming to an abrupt end with King’s murder, the civil rights movement entered a new phase. It both grew and splintered. These were years when decisive, historic victories were no longer within reach—the movement’s achievements were instead hard-won, and their meanings unsettled. From the fight to pass the Fair Housing Act in 1968, to debates over unity and leadership at the National Black Political Conventions, to the campaign for full-employment legislation, to the surprising enactment of the Martin Luther King holiday, to Jesse Jackson’s quixotic presidential campaigns, veterans of the movement struggled to rally around common goals.
Waking from the Dream documents this struggle, including moments when the movement seemed on the verge of dissolution, and the monumental efforts of its members to persevere. For this watershed study of a much-neglected period, Chappell spent ten years sifting through a voluminous public record: congressional hearings and government documents; the archives of pro– and anti–civil rights activists, oral and written remembrances of King’s successors and rivals, documentary film footage, and long-forgotten coverage of events from African American newspapers and journals.
The result is a story rich with period detail, as Chappell chronicles the difficulties the movement encountered while working to build coalitions, pass legislation, and mobilize citizens in the absence of King’s galvanizing leadership. Could the civil rights coalition stay together as its focus shifted from public protests to congressional politics? Did the movement need a single, charismatic leader to succeed King, and who would that be? As the movement’s leaders pushed forward, they continually looked back, struggling to define King’s legacy and harness his symbolic power.
Waking from the Dream is a revealing and resonant look at civil rights after King as well as King’s place in American memory. It illuminates a time, explores a cause, and explains how a movement labored to overcome the loss of its leader.
In this arresting and groundbreaking account, David L. Chappell reveals that, far from coming to an abrupt end with King’s murder, the civil rights movement entered a new phase. It both grew and splintered. These were years when decisive, historic victories were no longer within reach—the movement’s achievements were instead hard-won, and their meanings unsettled. From the fight to pass the Fair Housing Act in 1968, to debates over unity and leadership at the National Black Political Conventions, to the campaign for full-employment legislation, to the surprising enactment of the Martin Luther King holiday, to Jesse Jackson’s quixotic presidential campaigns, veterans of the movement struggled to rally around common goals.
Waking from the Dream documents this struggle, including moments when the movement seemed on the verge of dissolution, and the monumental efforts of its members to persevere. For this watershed study of a much-neglected period, Chappell spent ten years sifting through a voluminous public record: congressional hearings and government documents; the archives of pro– and anti–civil rights activists, oral and written remembrances of King’s successors and rivals, documentary film footage, and long-forgotten coverage of events from African American newspapers and journals.
The result is a story rich with period detail, as Chappell chronicles the difficulties the movement encountered while working to build coalitions, pass legislation, and mobilize citizens in the absence of King’s galvanizing leadership. Could the civil rights coalition stay together as its focus shifted from public protests to congressional politics? Did the movement need a single, charismatic leader to succeed King, and who would that be? As the movement’s leaders pushed forward, they continually looked back, struggling to define King’s legacy and harness his symbolic power.
Waking from the Dream is a revealing and resonant look at civil rights after King as well as King’s place in American memory. It illuminates a time, explores a cause, and explains how a movement labored to overcome the loss of its leader.
272 pages, Hardcover
First published August 13, 2013
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September 5, 2020
I so enjoyed and benefited from Chappell's Stone of Hope that when I came across this title, it was a "must read." That it covered the post-King years was a plus as well as it's a part of the story that, though it transcends my adult years, I really hadn't paid much attention to the civil rights narrative during those decades and thus I felt like there was an educational hole that needed filling.
This book did that for me and as I read through it's quick 181 pages, I realized that I wasn't quite as lacking as I thought; much of what he included were elements of the civil rights struggle that I do remember. This book is no Stone of Hope, however. In contrast, it appears as if it's a quick survey of 6 or so highlight events that he devotes a chapter to covering, where Stone was a much deeper, philosophical and sociological treatment of the Civil Rights movement's theological underpinnings. I guess I was expecting something similar in this read, but it isn't. That's not a knock on Chappell, it's just a note that this is a different read.
I did appreciate how Chappell exposes and critiques the messier part of King's legacy. The conflicts born in policy battles and the attempts within the CR movement to "replace" King's mantle of leadership expose the uniqueness of the 12 years of the King-led movement ... it was a very hard act to follow, despite the efforts of Jesse Jackson, Corretta King, Ralph Abernathy and the coalition to enact the MLK federal holiday. An entire chapter at the end of the book is devoted to the public disclosure of King's cheating on both his wife and in his PhD work and the wrestling match that ensued as to what such infidelities actually mean, both to King's enduring legacy and national memory, as well as to the danger of a societal cheapening of integrity of fidelity.
History is messy because people are, and Chappell doesn't dodge this fact. History and historic figures can be inspiring despite the flaws we find on the people or movements of yesteryear. In the end, Chappell is faithful to both realities - placing King in this work as a synecdoche to the nature of our heroes and the movement.
This book did that for me and as I read through it's quick 181 pages, I realized that I wasn't quite as lacking as I thought; much of what he included were elements of the civil rights struggle that I do remember. This book is no Stone of Hope, however. In contrast, it appears as if it's a quick survey of 6 or so highlight events that he devotes a chapter to covering, where Stone was a much deeper, philosophical and sociological treatment of the Civil Rights movement's theological underpinnings. I guess I was expecting something similar in this read, but it isn't. That's not a knock on Chappell, it's just a note that this is a different read.
I did appreciate how Chappell exposes and critiques the messier part of King's legacy. The conflicts born in policy battles and the attempts within the CR movement to "replace" King's mantle of leadership expose the uniqueness of the 12 years of the King-led movement ... it was a very hard act to follow, despite the efforts of Jesse Jackson, Corretta King, Ralph Abernathy and the coalition to enact the MLK federal holiday. An entire chapter at the end of the book is devoted to the public disclosure of King's cheating on both his wife and in his PhD work and the wrestling match that ensued as to what such infidelities actually mean, both to King's enduring legacy and national memory, as well as to the danger of a societal cheapening of integrity of fidelity.
History is messy because people are, and Chappell doesn't dodge this fact. History and historic figures can be inspiring despite the flaws we find on the people or movements of yesteryear. In the end, Chappell is faithful to both realities - placing King in this work as a synecdoche to the nature of our heroes and the movement.
January 21, 2014
While the book that David Chappell is best known for, A Stone of Hope: Prophetic Religion and the Death of Jim Crow, seems as though it could be taught in philosophy or religion classes as well as history classes, his latest book is a different species.
Waking from the Dream: The Struggle for Civil Rights in the Shadow of Martin Luther King Jr., is pure history and political science. Depending upon your inclinations, that might make it a more difficult or less difficult book to love. Stone of Hope, with its discussions of Reinhold Neiburh and Arthur Schlesinger, sometimes necessitates breaks to digest the philosophy. Even so, Stone of Hope had a simple message at its heart: there was passion and conviction preached from the pulpits of African-American churches during the “third American revolution,” (for Civil Rights) about justice that was, unsurprisingly, missing from the pulpits of white churches. Indeed, the Southern Baptists (created back in the 19th century because Baptist preachers and congregations in the South supported slavery, in opposition to Northern Baptists) and Methodists came out in tepid favor of Civil Rights. Whether you believe in grace, Christ, God, or not, it’s demonstrable that faith played a role in filling African Americans with faith and determination that their cause would prevail. Their opponents, in contrast, were filled with pessimism, hatred, fear, and uncertainty.
Waking from the Dream is harder to pin down. Chappell is a marvelous historian and a good writer, something that is obvious just by his ability to keep readers turning the pages on what is actually the rather dry topic of process, meetings, planning, and politics – in contrast to the sweeping drama of Civil Rights marches in the face of violence and hatred.
He divides the book into six chapters: 1) the Civil Rights Act of 1968; 2) the National Black Political Conventions of 1972 and 1974; 3) the Humphrey-Hawkins Full Employment Act of 1978; 4) the battle to create a Martin Luther King Jr. holiday, signed into law in 1983 by President Ronald Reagan; 5) Jesse Jackson’s presidential campaigns in 1984 and 1988; and 6) what Chappell describes as the “public reckonings” with King’s character.
Each chapter offers insights into the American story of its people respecting one another as legitimate, worthy of being called Americans.
Chappell is an inveterately honest historian, unable to keep back tidbits of information that don’t fit a triumphal American story of redemption and progress. It’s hard to quantify, for instance, what came of those conventions. The MLK holiday was in some ways a marker of defeat as it became clear that larger societal goals of protecting the middle class (both black and white) were not going to be prioritized any time soon, even though the Humphrey-Hawkins bill passed. Jesse Jackson may have lied about how close he was to King at the time of the assassination, although there’s no evidence other than the say-so of at least one other King aide. And, finally, the chapter on J. Edgar Hoover’s evidence regarding King’s sex life discusses evidence rarely used against King because it revealed too the FBI’s illegal and immoral surveillance of him.
Chappell has said that he doesn’t want people to finish his book thinking that his message was that there was continuity after King’s murder, that the journey for Civil Rights continued and that the story of those years should also be included.
I’m not sure what’s wrong with that message – which is indeed one of my major take-aways. The difference was that after King’s death was that there was no beloved, charismatic figure (at least in comparison with King), and that the gains were more often made through legislative process born of the power of the ballot box rather than of blood spilled on bridges or motel balconies.
Perhaps the message of this sobering book is that politics are messy, and that African-Americans are simply people. Many African-American leaders are extraordinary people, but they’re also simply Americans, as likely to be misguided, angry, divided, and racist as any other American.
Despite that, despite “waking from the dream,” it’s incumbent upon all of us to keep battling for a better, fairer system. Chappell finished Stone of Hope with one of King’s favorite quotes. It’s a quote that reflects King’s understanding that people need prodding and inspiration in equal measures. This book could have used that same quote at its end, for surely there is continuity at least is this, the basic human condition (if viewed through optimistic eyes):
“Lord, we ain’t what we want to be; we ain’t what we ought to be; we ain’t what we gonna be, but thank God! We ain’t what we was.”
Waking from the Dream: The Struggle for Civil Rights in the Shadow of Martin Luther King Jr., is pure history and political science. Depending upon your inclinations, that might make it a more difficult or less difficult book to love. Stone of Hope, with its discussions of Reinhold Neiburh and Arthur Schlesinger, sometimes necessitates breaks to digest the philosophy. Even so, Stone of Hope had a simple message at its heart: there was passion and conviction preached from the pulpits of African-American churches during the “third American revolution,” (for Civil Rights) about justice that was, unsurprisingly, missing from the pulpits of white churches. Indeed, the Southern Baptists (created back in the 19th century because Baptist preachers and congregations in the South supported slavery, in opposition to Northern Baptists) and Methodists came out in tepid favor of Civil Rights. Whether you believe in grace, Christ, God, or not, it’s demonstrable that faith played a role in filling African Americans with faith and determination that their cause would prevail. Their opponents, in contrast, were filled with pessimism, hatred, fear, and uncertainty.
Waking from the Dream is harder to pin down. Chappell is a marvelous historian and a good writer, something that is obvious just by his ability to keep readers turning the pages on what is actually the rather dry topic of process, meetings, planning, and politics – in contrast to the sweeping drama of Civil Rights marches in the face of violence and hatred.
He divides the book into six chapters: 1) the Civil Rights Act of 1968; 2) the National Black Political Conventions of 1972 and 1974; 3) the Humphrey-Hawkins Full Employment Act of 1978; 4) the battle to create a Martin Luther King Jr. holiday, signed into law in 1983 by President Ronald Reagan; 5) Jesse Jackson’s presidential campaigns in 1984 and 1988; and 6) what Chappell describes as the “public reckonings” with King’s character.
Each chapter offers insights into the American story of its people respecting one another as legitimate, worthy of being called Americans.
Chappell is an inveterately honest historian, unable to keep back tidbits of information that don’t fit a triumphal American story of redemption and progress. It’s hard to quantify, for instance, what came of those conventions. The MLK holiday was in some ways a marker of defeat as it became clear that larger societal goals of protecting the middle class (both black and white) were not going to be prioritized any time soon, even though the Humphrey-Hawkins bill passed. Jesse Jackson may have lied about how close he was to King at the time of the assassination, although there’s no evidence other than the say-so of at least one other King aide. And, finally, the chapter on J. Edgar Hoover’s evidence regarding King’s sex life discusses evidence rarely used against King because it revealed too the FBI’s illegal and immoral surveillance of him.
Chappell has said that he doesn’t want people to finish his book thinking that his message was that there was continuity after King’s murder, that the journey for Civil Rights continued and that the story of those years should also be included.
I’m not sure what’s wrong with that message – which is indeed one of my major take-aways. The difference was that after King’s death was that there was no beloved, charismatic figure (at least in comparison with King), and that the gains were more often made through legislative process born of the power of the ballot box rather than of blood spilled on bridges or motel balconies.
Perhaps the message of this sobering book is that politics are messy, and that African-Americans are simply people. Many African-American leaders are extraordinary people, but they’re also simply Americans, as likely to be misguided, angry, divided, and racist as any other American.
Despite that, despite “waking from the dream,” it’s incumbent upon all of us to keep battling for a better, fairer system. Chappell finished Stone of Hope with one of King’s favorite quotes. It’s a quote that reflects King’s understanding that people need prodding and inspiration in equal measures. This book could have used that same quote at its end, for surely there is continuity at least is this, the basic human condition (if viewed through optimistic eyes):
“Lord, we ain’t what we want to be; we ain’t what we ought to be; we ain’t what we gonna be, but thank God! We ain’t what we was.”
January 29, 2018
Waking From The Dream examines the years immediately following the murder of Civil Rights icon Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and how that tragedy affected the movement as a whole. This book covers a good chunk of history you likely were not taught in school.
It turns out a number of men tried to step in as MLK's successor as one of the key leaders in the Civil Rights Movement -- Reverend Ralph Abernathy, Reverend Jesse Jackson, and even actor Ossie Davis (who later portrayed Dr. King in a 1978 NBC documentary) were all approached with offers to take over.
One of the sections of the book that held my interest most were the years concerning MLK's widow, Coretta Scott King, and the journey she took to build and maintain her husband's historical legacy. Following the death of her husband, Coretta was often brought out as a kind of figure of the cost of the movement, but she came to really despise this move. She said she was tired of being used as a pawn to drum up sympathy and anger in crowds. While reaching large audiences was important to the cause, she felt this method just felt wrong. She decided she would try to fly solo while continuing her husband's work.
In 1978, Coretta King heads up the Full Employment Action Council, whose purpose was to address the plight of impoverished black and white citizens alike. By 1979, Coretta begins to campaign for a national MLK Day. Other activists in the Civil Rights Movement had tried for this immediately following Dr. King's death and every year after -- musician James Brown even met with President Richard Nixon to try to get the process moving -- but their requests continued to fall on deaf ears. Those in opposition to the holiday would often give speeches tying Dr. King to communism or would imply that his work actually low-key incited violence. Dr. King's opposers would claim that he was okay with prejudiced behavior as long as it swung in favor of the black community. They'd also imply that he knew how to work around the law, not with it. Surprisingly, even the Congressional Black Caucus came forward and said there were bigger fish to fry.
Even with Coretta's efforts, the holiday wasn't made official until 1983, under President Ronald Reagan (though it took some time before he was fully on board with the idea). Once MLK Day was made official, Reagan came forward with this statement:
Mrs. King went on to develop a friendship with President Jimmy Carter, even awarding him the MLK Nonviolent Peace Prize in 1979. Senator Ted Kennedy and Carter started using the award as a icebreaker that would develop into a platform to win votes for the Democratic Party. Coretta Scott King was not given credit whenever the award was mentioned.
The portion of this book that's the toughest pill to swallow is the light author David Chappell sheds on Dr. King, the man, not the historical figure. This means readers will read information regarding such topics as MLK's fondness for ladies and rumored infidelity as well as the plagiarism scandal around his college papers (and whether his PhD had been honestly earned) that rocked Boston University.
Clayborn Carson, the editor of Dr. King's papers said that in his research he found that there were "instances of plagiarism" in King's works, but that "in most instances King was probably sloppy rather than deliberately deceptive." Dr. Jack Boozer, a professor of religion at Emory University, discovered that some of his work had been plagiarized by Dr. King. After Boozer's death, his widow was interviewed and said that Dr. Boozer never cared all that much that King used his words, instead was glad he could be of help to the man. But she also admits that when Boozer first heard the story that he didn't speak on the matter at all for a full two days.
There were also quite a few pages in King's dissertation paper missing footnotes that should have cited source material. No one could quite agree whether this was intentional or not, but it looks especially bad when combined with suspected plagiarized passages. One of the large reasons it caused such controversy is that any other university student in line for a doctorate would have likely been failed over such oversights. King's naysayers were quick to point out that King held a C average while at Morehouse University, arguing that clearly this was a case of racial bias. Some were further angered by the fact that years later, when Brown U officials looked into the matter, they came back with the response that suspicious material had been found in King's files but that the college had decided against retroactively retracting his PhD.
But this book isn't meant as a means to shatter the legacy of Dr. King, but to offer a balanced presentation of the man and his life, and the impact of his work generations later. It might not be the best book out there on the topic (which I cringe to say, after reading that the author spent a decade putting this material together). Some material, such as that regarding the Little Rock Nine, was pretty glossed over. Still, it remains an important read towards developing a well-rounded education. Yes, it's disheartening to read of the struggle of civil rights activists, the way our government drafted Civil Rights Acts but watered them down so much before having them passed that they offered little to no help. But as some activists were known to say at the time, "If you are digging a trench with a spoon and someone offers you a shovel, you don't turn them down because they didn't offer you a bulldozer."
If baby steps is how we get to progress and success, then so be it. And in the process it's important to learn ALL the facts, take in ALL the information available and make informed decisions from there. That might mean that some of the veneer gets chipped off our heroes in the process, but I personally find it beneficial to be reminded that at the end of the day, these great feats were carried out by mortal, flawed, everyday humans just like me... not infallible gods. It helps make my little efforts all the more meaningful.
Lastly, there's a footnote in this book that stunned me, which says that when Martin Luther King was leaning over the balcony of the Lorraine Motel in Memphis, TN, talking to Rev. Jesse James standing in the parking lot on that fateful day... well, it's hypothesized that had Dr. King been standing fully upright rather than leaning over the balcony, he likely would not have been shot in the face and could have possibly survived.
It turns out a number of men tried to step in as MLK's successor as one of the key leaders in the Civil Rights Movement -- Reverend Ralph Abernathy, Reverend Jesse Jackson, and even actor Ossie Davis (who later portrayed Dr. King in a 1978 NBC documentary) were all approached with offers to take over.
One of the sections of the book that held my interest most were the years concerning MLK's widow, Coretta Scott King, and the journey she took to build and maintain her husband's historical legacy. Following the death of her husband, Coretta was often brought out as a kind of figure of the cost of the movement, but she came to really despise this move. She said she was tired of being used as a pawn to drum up sympathy and anger in crowds. While reaching large audiences was important to the cause, she felt this method just felt wrong. She decided she would try to fly solo while continuing her husband's work.
In 1978, Coretta King heads up the Full Employment Action Council, whose purpose was to address the plight of impoverished black and white citizens alike. By 1979, Coretta begins to campaign for a national MLK Day. Other activists in the Civil Rights Movement had tried for this immediately following Dr. King's death and every year after -- musician James Brown even met with President Richard Nixon to try to get the process moving -- but their requests continued to fall on deaf ears. Those in opposition to the holiday would often give speeches tying Dr. King to communism or would imply that his work actually low-key incited violence. Dr. King's opposers would claim that he was okay with prejudiced behavior as long as it swung in favor of the black community. They'd also imply that he knew how to work around the law, not with it. Surprisingly, even the Congressional Black Caucus came forward and said there were bigger fish to fry.
Even with Coretta's efforts, the holiday wasn't made official until 1983, under President Ronald Reagan (though it took some time before he was fully on board with the idea). Once MLK Day was made official, Reagan came forward with this statement:
"Though Dr. King and I may not have exactly had identical political philosophies, we did share a deep belief in freedom and justice under God. Freedom is not something to be secured in any one moment of time. We must struggle to preserve it every day. And freedom is never more than one generation away from extinction. History shows that Dr. King's approach achieved great results in a comparatively short time, which was exactly what America needed...What he accomplished -- not just for black Americans, but all Americans --- he lifted a heavy burden from this country."
Mrs. King went on to develop a friendship with President Jimmy Carter, even awarding him the MLK Nonviolent Peace Prize in 1979. Senator Ted Kennedy and Carter started using the award as a icebreaker that would develop into a platform to win votes for the Democratic Party. Coretta Scott King was not given credit whenever the award was mentioned.
The portion of this book that's the toughest pill to swallow is the light author David Chappell sheds on Dr. King, the man, not the historical figure. This means readers will read information regarding such topics as MLK's fondness for ladies and rumored infidelity as well as the plagiarism scandal around his college papers (and whether his PhD had been honestly earned) that rocked Boston University.
Clayborn Carson, the editor of Dr. King's papers said that in his research he found that there were "instances of plagiarism" in King's works, but that "in most instances King was probably sloppy rather than deliberately deceptive." Dr. Jack Boozer, a professor of religion at Emory University, discovered that some of his work had been plagiarized by Dr. King. After Boozer's death, his widow was interviewed and said that Dr. Boozer never cared all that much that King used his words, instead was glad he could be of help to the man. But she also admits that when Boozer first heard the story that he didn't speak on the matter at all for a full two days.
There were also quite a few pages in King's dissertation paper missing footnotes that should have cited source material. No one could quite agree whether this was intentional or not, but it looks especially bad when combined with suspected plagiarized passages. One of the large reasons it caused such controversy is that any other university student in line for a doctorate would have likely been failed over such oversights. King's naysayers were quick to point out that King held a C average while at Morehouse University, arguing that clearly this was a case of racial bias. Some were further angered by the fact that years later, when Brown U officials looked into the matter, they came back with the response that suspicious material had been found in King's files but that the college had decided against retroactively retracting his PhD.
But this book isn't meant as a means to shatter the legacy of Dr. King, but to offer a balanced presentation of the man and his life, and the impact of his work generations later. It might not be the best book out there on the topic (which I cringe to say, after reading that the author spent a decade putting this material together). Some material, such as that regarding the Little Rock Nine, was pretty glossed over. Still, it remains an important read towards developing a well-rounded education. Yes, it's disheartening to read of the struggle of civil rights activists, the way our government drafted Civil Rights Acts but watered them down so much before having them passed that they offered little to no help. But as some activists were known to say at the time, "If you are digging a trench with a spoon and someone offers you a shovel, you don't turn them down because they didn't offer you a bulldozer."
If baby steps is how we get to progress and success, then so be it. And in the process it's important to learn ALL the facts, take in ALL the information available and make informed decisions from there. That might mean that some of the veneer gets chipped off our heroes in the process, but I personally find it beneficial to be reminded that at the end of the day, these great feats were carried out by mortal, flawed, everyday humans just like me... not infallible gods. It helps make my little efforts all the more meaningful.
Lastly, there's a footnote in this book that stunned me, which says that when Martin Luther King was leaning over the balcony of the Lorraine Motel in Memphis, TN, talking to Rev. Jesse James standing in the parking lot on that fateful day... well, it's hypothesized that had Dr. King been standing fully upright rather than leaning over the balcony, he likely would not have been shot in the face and could have possibly survived.
November 27, 2019
I got this book because of Chappell's Stone of Hope, this is a follow on book. I keep reading history to try and connect the thin threads of my knowledge of our country's en devours toward civil rights. And I can't help but look for where it has insight into today's tests and troubles.
Rustin, an activist and march planner alongside King, said "to abandon majority coalition-building, even for radical aims, would only reinforce the conservative trend of the country." This was in response to elements toward revolution and black power. p36
Ossie Davis said that the movement would have to "build lasting structures rather than invoke high ideals and make memorable speeches." p37
There is a chapter on the fight for MLK to become a holiday and the racist and covered racist pushback. Larry McDonald--said it was racist to reserve a holiday for black Americans, why not Indian Americans (which he meant Native Americans)--I happen to be Cherokee, he says. p111
on p 122 Richard Gregg used strategy of "moral jiu-jitsu" using the power of your opponents against you, by drawing its most extreme and least popular enemies out onto the public stage, "make the systems defenders show their unseemly side; try to maneuver the most impulsive and PR-insenstive defenders--the Bull Conners and Sheriff Clarks--into the spotlight.
But I wonder how this works today ... now it seems like the more Bull Conner-like you are the better for some of the audience ...
Rustin, an activist and march planner alongside King, said "to abandon majority coalition-building, even for radical aims, would only reinforce the conservative trend of the country." This was in response to elements toward revolution and black power. p36
Ossie Davis said that the movement would have to "build lasting structures rather than invoke high ideals and make memorable speeches." p37
There is a chapter on the fight for MLK to become a holiday and the racist and covered racist pushback. Larry McDonald--said it was racist to reserve a holiday for black Americans, why not Indian Americans (which he meant Native Americans)--I happen to be Cherokee, he says. p111
on p 122 Richard Gregg used strategy of "moral jiu-jitsu" using the power of your opponents against you, by drawing its most extreme and least popular enemies out onto the public stage, "make the systems defenders show their unseemly side; try to maneuver the most impulsive and PR-insenstive defenders--the Bull Conners and Sheriff Clarks--into the spotlight.
But I wonder how this works today ... now it seems like the more Bull Conner-like you are the better for some of the audience ...
December 17, 2024
Three stars might be selling this a bit short. I think that this book fills a significant gap in post movement Civil Rights history, focused on specific examples of activism connected directly to the legacy of Martin Luther King, Jr. in the 1960s, 70s, 80s, and 90s. It does not attempt to be exhaustive, but rather illustrative of how the legacy of King created both legislative successes and failures. The reader benefits from a working knowledge of The Civil Rights Movement, 1954-1965, especially King's career, and some background of the political history post 60s America. The author has a few flights of rhetoric that are oddly placed but quite moving at times. A book I'll keep on my shelf and dip back into at times.
May 23, 2014
Well it was all right. I did think this book would be the aftermath of the civil rights movement with more of a focus on the people and the time period after MLK died. Instead it was the aftermath of his legacy. Which is fine. More than ever this book highlights that he was a man, a being fraught with faults, feet of clay, not a saint nor a paragon of virtue. It was other people at fault for trying to make him more than he was. But aren't we all guilty of making our heroes/heroines blameless and without tarnish? That may be human weakness too. The fault here lies with this book first off is to say people like Amiri Baraka were "childishly making demands". I can't see how that is accurate or entirely fair as the author doesn't state how the demands were "childish" or why they are classified as such. It is also absurd to write "probable slave heritage". I'm sure there were/are black people descended from freemen and women, however, there were many that were slaves first and then became free. Furthermore we don't all think of MLK's speech I Have A Dream in relation to the things achieved, more what is still to be done.
April 5, 2014
The book was alright, though a bit disappointing with the righting and what aspects David L. Chappell focused on. Though as I have said before the rights of African Americans are still unfulfilled as are the First Nations and other minorities.
March 29, 2014
Good writer. Provides good insights into some complex issues.
Displaying 1 - 8 of 8 reviews