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No Billionaire Left Behind: Satirical Activism in America
Growing economic inequality, corporate influence in politics, an eroding middle class. Many Americans leave it to politicians and the media to debate these topics in the public sphere. Yet other seemingly ordinary Americans have decided to enter the conversation of wealth in America by donning ball gowns, tiaras, tuxedos, and top hats and taking on the imagined roles of wealthy, powerful, and completely fictional characters. Why? In No Billionaire Left Behind , Angelique Haugerud, who embedded herself within the "Billionaires" and was granted the name "Ivana Itall," explores the inner workings of these faux billionaires and mines the depths of democracy's relationship to political humor, satire, and irony. No Billionaire Left Behind is a compelling investigation into how satirical activists tackle two of the most contentious topics in contemporary American political the increasingly profound division of wealth in America, and the role of big money in electoral politics. Anthropologist and author Angelique Haugerud deftly charts the evolution of a group named the Billionaires―a prominent network of satirists and activists who make a mockery of wealth in America―along with other satirical groups and figures to puzzle out their impact on politics and public opinion. In the spirit of popular programs like The Colbert Report and The Daily Show , the Billionaires demonstrate a sophisticated knowledge of economics and public affairs through the lens of satire and humor. Through participant observation, interviews, and archival research, Haugerud provides the first ethnographic study of the power and limitations of this evolving form of political organizing in this witty exploration of one group's efforts to raise hope and inspire action in America's current political climate.
288 pages, Paperback
First published April 3, 2013
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March 16, 2014
In an era of authoritarian neoliberal indoctrination, where both "progressive" and "conservative" national politicians work off of the same script in opening up global political systems to corporate exploitation, public spaces for vigorous debate have been steadily eviscerated. In realities such as this, it seems, satire becomes a critically important alternative space, not as easily closed off as direct confrontation and therefore an often potent if circumscribed "weapon of the weak." At the same time, effective understanding of satire requires a broad range of methodologies far beyond the structural/cultural/rational viewpoints of conventional "Social Movement Theory" (resource mobilization), "political science" and certainly economics. With over three decades of experience traveling the interstices of anthropology, political economy and social movements, Angelique Haugerud is well-placed to examine these satirical interventions. She demonstrates this in her decade-long ethnography of the Billionaires for Bush/Gore/Bailouts/Wealthcare, one of the most influential of these satirical groups in the United States. This book and an accompanying documentary are the fruits of her labor.
Haugerud begins with an excellent overview of humor and political mobilization that I think could usefully have been expanded (detailed somewhat more below). She references important work from Mary Douglas, Bakhtin, James Clifford and others who have written about the indeterminacy of humor and irony, noting the very important tensions between satirical humor as a subversive way of penetrating power and comedic humor as a kind of relief valve that can actually blunt political change. However, the chapter deals primarily with more abstract considerations of humor and irony or with ethnographic methodologies as related to public anthropology. Perhaps the most valuable aspect of the chapter is the discussion of how satirical performances such as the Billionaires were inspired by Situationist thought, a Marxian approach foregrounded by Debord's book The Society of the Spectacle, whereby capitalist exploitation is veiled by continuously changing technologies and images, at the same time that ever-present change is dehistoricized. The Billionaires sought to undermine discourses of corporate capitalist inevitability by presenting corporate capitalist discourse as caricature:
"It" is, of course, about much more than showmanship, performativity, style, costume and posturing. The realities of material exploitation that the Billionaires engage are well summarized in the book, though an entire book could have been written simply about Situationist Marxism; impacts on the social geography work of Lefebvre's and de Certeau's everyday production of space; the falling out between Lefebvre and the Situationist movement; and associated explorations of on- and off-stage personas such as represented by Goffman in The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life.
Haugerud then proceeds to the core of the book, a deep narrative study of the Billionaires as they move through the 2000 election and depiction of both parties as corporate property; the 2004 election and strategic decision to concentrate on removing Bush; the short-lived euphoria of 2008; and the most recent key initiatives "celebrating Bailouts and Wealthcare." She lays the groundwork in a concise description of neoliberalism as comedy (farce?) and the formulation of plans for satirical protest, growing out of assessments that the "earnest left" were not getting through the dense filter of spectacle that is corporate media. The Billionaires then strategically strove to create performances for the media, whereby a non-threatening group of satirical actors works their way into media accounts with pithy one line comments that can resonate with viewers no matter the lack of analysis by corporate media. In the process, their small close-knit group exploded into numerous relatively de-centralized groups after a series of highly successful and publicized interventions in the 2004 election campaign. This required significant discussion about assuring that essential Billionaire messaging remained coherent while at the same time encouraging empowerment and creativity around Billionaire objectives. Early on in the movement, members would often switch rapidly to serious information presentations. However, as time went on, the Billionaires increasingly focused on spectacle, whereby the language was so over the top that most would understand that this was biting satire rather than earnest support for Republicans and the very wealthy. Still, they (in a manner similar to the stunning successes of the Yes Men) were able to get themselves accepted at least temporarily into major events including a Dick Armey-led "tax day" performance and Steve Forbes' presidential candidacy announcement.
Haugerud then goes beyond Billionaire strategic plans and self-identification to look at media and bystander impressions and interactions. She finds a range of reactions from both progressive/liberal and conservative/libertarian perspectives. Corporate media soon adopted narratives of domesticated humor, of good protests that were happier and less aggressive than the "violent," "chaotic" direct actions. To the extent that Billionaire soundbites got through, the corporate media coverage was quite useful for spreading the Billionaire's message that corporate-led globalization and associated national policies needed to be reformed. On the streets, Haugerud identifies the range of Republican reactions from remonstrations to "tone down the message" to recognition that the Billionaires were "on the other team," which led to questions about who was funding the Billionaires. Democratic and other liberal groups also had differing reactions. Some understood the satire and appreciated it while others understood but questioned the value of Billionaire strategies. Still others misunderstood the Billionaire strategies to the extent that they heaped insults on the Billionaires only to apologize profusely later when they understood what the Billionaires were trying to accomplish.
Haugerud's main purpose, an ethnographic study of the Billionaires, was accomplished quite well. My desire, then, would be for additional material that accomplished the kind of epistemological confrontation that Edelman did so effectively in Peasants Against Globalization, when he employed a culturally infused historical and materialist critique of the discourse-intensive identity-based development anthropology highlighted by Escobar's Encountering Development. One could say that Edelman had more space for such reflection because study of satirical movements are much less established in the literature than peasant studies. Haugerud notes early on in the book (p. 19) that "[p]olitical humor-so vital to political imagination and everyday meaning making-clearly merits anthropological attention. Yet humor has been a rare focus in contemporary ethnography." Too much concentration on theory could have clouded the central narratives. However, I think that some space was still available to accommodate a broader summary of literature that touches on humor as a "weapon of the weak." I think not only of James Scott's work but also of humor in the context of West African griots (damning with ambiguous praise?) or even the baraza or matatu cultural politics that Haugerud describes in her book Culture and Politics in Modern Kenya (including a section "Theatre as contemporary political satire"). Also useful, but more likely beyond the scope of No Billionaire, this summary could have been accompanied by an anthropology-centered interrogation of "Social Movement Theory." Led by Douglas McAdam, Social Movement Theory refers to a collection of highly influential approaches to social movement study as a process of institutional synthesis within universities rather than problem-posing eclecticism. Anthropologically trained scholars, and especially scholars of spectacle and satire, are well-placed to foreground the blind spots and gaps of these projects for hegemony.
In the end, this book is essential reading for those primarily interested in social movements and American political economy, contemporary satirical social movements in general, or applications of Situationist thought. For those interested in satirical social movements or social movements more generally, Haugerud's book is quite a useful case study supplement.
Haugerud begins with an excellent overview of humor and political mobilization that I think could usefully have been expanded (detailed somewhat more below). She references important work from Mary Douglas, Bakhtin, James Clifford and others who have written about the indeterminacy of humor and irony, noting the very important tensions between satirical humor as a subversive way of penetrating power and comedic humor as a kind of relief valve that can actually blunt political change. However, the chapter deals primarily with more abstract considerations of humor and irony or with ethnographic methodologies as related to public anthropology. Perhaps the most valuable aspect of the chapter is the discussion of how satirical performances such as the Billionaires were inspired by Situationist thought, a Marxian approach foregrounded by Debord's book The Society of the Spectacle, whereby capitalist exploitation is veiled by continuously changing technologies and images, at the same time that ever-present change is dehistoricized. The Billionaires sought to undermine discourses of corporate capitalist inevitability by presenting corporate capitalist discourse as caricature:
Through the 'power of the surface,' the Billionaires engage political economy, said Merchant F. Arms (Varon). While the Yippies 'knew how to manipulate the media,' the Billionaires brought it to a new postmodern level of reflexive awareness of the power of the surface. . . . [Merchant F. Arms (Varon) comments that it] was all about showmanship and performativity and style and costume and posturing and that’s where we live as Americans (p. 44).
"It" is, of course, about much more than showmanship, performativity, style, costume and posturing. The realities of material exploitation that the Billionaires engage are well summarized in the book, though an entire book could have been written simply about Situationist Marxism; impacts on the social geography work of Lefebvre's and de Certeau's everyday production of space; the falling out between Lefebvre and the Situationist movement; and associated explorations of on- and off-stage personas such as represented by Goffman in The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life.
Haugerud then proceeds to the core of the book, a deep narrative study of the Billionaires as they move through the 2000 election and depiction of both parties as corporate property; the 2004 election and strategic decision to concentrate on removing Bush; the short-lived euphoria of 2008; and the most recent key initiatives "celebrating Bailouts and Wealthcare." She lays the groundwork in a concise description of neoliberalism as comedy (farce?) and the formulation of plans for satirical protest, growing out of assessments that the "earnest left" were not getting through the dense filter of spectacle that is corporate media. The Billionaires then strategically strove to create performances for the media, whereby a non-threatening group of satirical actors works their way into media accounts with pithy one line comments that can resonate with viewers no matter the lack of analysis by corporate media. In the process, their small close-knit group exploded into numerous relatively de-centralized groups after a series of highly successful and publicized interventions in the 2004 election campaign. This required significant discussion about assuring that essential Billionaire messaging remained coherent while at the same time encouraging empowerment and creativity around Billionaire objectives. Early on in the movement, members would often switch rapidly to serious information presentations. However, as time went on, the Billionaires increasingly focused on spectacle, whereby the language was so over the top that most would understand that this was biting satire rather than earnest support for Republicans and the very wealthy. Still, they (in a manner similar to the stunning successes of the Yes Men) were able to get themselves accepted at least temporarily into major events including a Dick Armey-led "tax day" performance and Steve Forbes' presidential candidacy announcement.
Haugerud then goes beyond Billionaire strategic plans and self-identification to look at media and bystander impressions and interactions. She finds a range of reactions from both progressive/liberal and conservative/libertarian perspectives. Corporate media soon adopted narratives of domesticated humor, of good protests that were happier and less aggressive than the "violent," "chaotic" direct actions. To the extent that Billionaire soundbites got through, the corporate media coverage was quite useful for spreading the Billionaire's message that corporate-led globalization and associated national policies needed to be reformed. On the streets, Haugerud identifies the range of Republican reactions from remonstrations to "tone down the message" to recognition that the Billionaires were "on the other team," which led to questions about who was funding the Billionaires. Democratic and other liberal groups also had differing reactions. Some understood the satire and appreciated it while others understood but questioned the value of Billionaire strategies. Still others misunderstood the Billionaire strategies to the extent that they heaped insults on the Billionaires only to apologize profusely later when they understood what the Billionaires were trying to accomplish.
Haugerud's main purpose, an ethnographic study of the Billionaires, was accomplished quite well. My desire, then, would be for additional material that accomplished the kind of epistemological confrontation that Edelman did so effectively in Peasants Against Globalization, when he employed a culturally infused historical and materialist critique of the discourse-intensive identity-based development anthropology highlighted by Escobar's Encountering Development. One could say that Edelman had more space for such reflection because study of satirical movements are much less established in the literature than peasant studies. Haugerud notes early on in the book (p. 19) that "[p]olitical humor-so vital to political imagination and everyday meaning making-clearly merits anthropological attention. Yet humor has been a rare focus in contemporary ethnography." Too much concentration on theory could have clouded the central narratives. However, I think that some space was still available to accommodate a broader summary of literature that touches on humor as a "weapon of the weak." I think not only of James Scott's work but also of humor in the context of West African griots (damning with ambiguous praise?) or even the baraza or matatu cultural politics that Haugerud describes in her book Culture and Politics in Modern Kenya (including a section "Theatre as contemporary political satire"). Also useful, but more likely beyond the scope of No Billionaire, this summary could have been accompanied by an anthropology-centered interrogation of "Social Movement Theory." Led by Douglas McAdam, Social Movement Theory refers to a collection of highly influential approaches to social movement study as a process of institutional synthesis within universities rather than problem-posing eclecticism. Anthropologically trained scholars, and especially scholars of spectacle and satire, are well-placed to foreground the blind spots and gaps of these projects for hegemony.
In the end, this book is essential reading for those primarily interested in social movements and American political economy, contemporary satirical social movements in general, or applications of Situationist thought. For those interested in satirical social movements or social movements more generally, Haugerud's book is quite a useful case study supplement.
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