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Every Nation for Itself: What Happens When No One Leads the World
G-Zero — \JEE-ZEER-oh\ —n. A world order in which no single country or durable alliance of countries can meet the challenges of global leadership. What happens when the G20 doesn’t work and the G7 is history? If the worst threatened—a rogue nuclear state with a horrible surprise, a global health crisis, the collapse of financial institutions from New York to Shanghai and Mumbai—where would the world look for leadership? The United States, with its paralyzed politics and battered balance sheet? A European Union reeling from self-inflicted wounds? China’s “people’s democracy”? Perhaps Brazil, Turkey, or India, the geopolitical Rookies of the Year? Or some grand coalition of survivors, the last nations standing after half a decade of recession-induced turmoil? How about none of the above?
For the first time in seven decades, there is no single power or alliance of powers ready to take on the challenges of global leadership. A generation ago, the United States, Europe, and Japan were the world’s powerhouses, the free-market democracies that propelled the global economy forward. Today, they struggle just to find their footing.
Acclaimed geopolitical analyst Ian Bremmer argues that the world is facing a leadership vacuum. The diverse political and economic values of the G20 have produced global gridlock. Now that so many challenges transcend borders—from the stability of the global economy and climate change to cyber-attacks, terrorism, and the security of food and water—the need for international cooperation has never been greater. A lack of global leadership will provoke uncertainty, volatility, competition, and, in some cases, open conflict.
Bremmer explains the risk that the world will become a series of gated communities as power is regionalized instead of globalized. In the generation to come, negotiations on economic and trade issues are likely to be just as fraught as recent debates over nuclear nonproliferation and climate change. Disaster, thankfully, is never assured, and Bremmer details where the levers of power can still be found and how to exercise them for the common good. That’s important, because the one certainty of weakened nations and enfeebled institutions is that someone will try to take advantage of them.
Every Nation for Itself offers essential insights for anyone attempting to navigate the new global playing field.
For the first time in seven decades, there is no single power or alliance of powers ready to take on the challenges of global leadership. A generation ago, the United States, Europe, and Japan were the world’s powerhouses, the free-market democracies that propelled the global economy forward. Today, they struggle just to find their footing.
Acclaimed geopolitical analyst Ian Bremmer argues that the world is facing a leadership vacuum. The diverse political and economic values of the G20 have produced global gridlock. Now that so many challenges transcend borders—from the stability of the global economy and climate change to cyber-attacks, terrorism, and the security of food and water—the need for international cooperation has never been greater. A lack of global leadership will provoke uncertainty, volatility, competition, and, in some cases, open conflict.
Bremmer explains the risk that the world will become a series of gated communities as power is regionalized instead of globalized. In the generation to come, negotiations on economic and trade issues are likely to be just as fraught as recent debates over nuclear nonproliferation and climate change. Disaster, thankfully, is never assured, and Bremmer details where the levers of power can still be found and how to exercise them for the common good. That’s important, because the one certainty of weakened nations and enfeebled institutions is that someone will try to take advantage of them.
Every Nation for Itself offers essential insights for anyone attempting to navigate the new global playing field.
240 pages, Paperback
First published March 1, 2012
72 people are currently reading
934 people want to read
About the author
Ian Bremmer
32 books368 followersIan Bremmer (born November 12, 1969) is an American political scientist specializing in US foreign policy, states in transition, and global political risk. He is the president and founder of Eurasia Group, a leading global political risk research and consulting firm, and a professor at Columbia University. Eurasia Group provides financial, corporate, and government clients with information and insight on how political developments move markets. Bremmer is of Armenian and German descent.
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 55 reviews
May 26, 2012
Bremmer's book has one or two good anectodes, but seems more concerned about making the "G-Zero" label stick by repeating it two times per sentence than by providing evidence of its validity. When it tries to prove that the "G-Zero" is a reality, it falls in the common trap of other superficial books that have been published lately - ie, it compares today's "anarchic" world with an idealized version of the past in which the US hel all the cards and was able to accomplish anything it wanted. The latter was clearly not the case, as anyone with even limited knowledge of 20th century history knows.
Besides being superficial, the book presents almost no data to prove its points. Most of the references come from newspaper and magazine articles (Google seems to have helped a lot here), and mentions to respected economists' and/or foreign policy scholars research is rare. At some point, Bremmer even uses data from the "Jamaican Observer" to discuss Brazil's GDP data.
In the end, I thought the book's jargon somewhat useful to structure unpretentious foreign policy discussions with friends (eg, the array of concepts that Bremmer tries to deliver - the "G-Zero" notion, the idea of "pivotal" and "shadow" states etc). But I could've gotten all that from a short newspaper ot magazine article (from the "Jamaican Observer", maybe?). 195 pages are way too much for that.
Besides being superficial, the book presents almost no data to prove its points. Most of the references come from newspaper and magazine articles (Google seems to have helped a lot here), and mentions to respected economists' and/or foreign policy scholars research is rare. At some point, Bremmer even uses data from the "Jamaican Observer" to discuss Brazil's GDP data.
In the end, I thought the book's jargon somewhat useful to structure unpretentious foreign policy discussions with friends (eg, the array of concepts that Bremmer tries to deliver - the "G-Zero" notion, the idea of "pivotal" and "shadow" states etc). But I could've gotten all that from a short newspaper ot magazine article (from the "Jamaican Observer", maybe?). 195 pages are way too much for that.
March 6, 2023
We are entering a G-zero world:
• The G7s are having increasing problems at home, unable to afford to manage global affair;
• New generation European leaders are forgetting Cold War and Americans have less appetite to shoulder all the cost of NATO
• Emerging states are only interested in their own interests and G20 is basically unworkable.
The (near) future of the world have 4 scenarios based on degree of US-China conflicts and the strength of other states. We could be in a G2 world or Cold War 2.0. Written 10 years ago, the book predicts that the most likely scenario is a world of regional powers. (Of course after 2022’s Russian invasion, NATO is becoming more relevant, and depending on what Xi does next, we are likely to enter Cold War 2.0, and it may not be cold at all.)
• The G7s are having increasing problems at home, unable to afford to manage global affair;
• New generation European leaders are forgetting Cold War and Americans have less appetite to shoulder all the cost of NATO
• Emerging states are only interested in their own interests and G20 is basically unworkable.
The (near) future of the world have 4 scenarios based on degree of US-China conflicts and the strength of other states. We could be in a G2 world or Cold War 2.0. Written 10 years ago, the book predicts that the most likely scenario is a world of regional powers. (Of course after 2022’s Russian invasion, NATO is becoming more relevant, and depending on what Xi does next, we are likely to enter Cold War 2.0, and it may not be cold at all.)
February 4, 2020
this is an old book, written at the beginning of this decade, despite some correct predictions but the main idea about G-zero proved to be inaccurate. as we are going into a more polarized world that has many centers now. at least not global as in was for the last centuries but allocation regional centers is not a difficult task now. But the US still the major country in the world and still has the biggest influence on every aspect of the economy, military developments, Technology, and military power. but it is not like before, china arose correct to compete with the US but not as much as the book describes and Putin plans to lead Russia to USSR power failed. what really happens is that the world is going to right-wing influence in most countries regardless of the ruling system. This is the main force that will shape the new world which will have to face a more global threat that does not have a good solution which is climate change that will change everything on this planet and could lead us to the extinction edge.
July 11, 2012
Every nation for itself is the first rule of international relations, not a new insight.
June 9, 2018
The question I really wanted this book to answer was whether the world was too integrated for another world war to occur. It’s one of those platitudes you hear without anyone ever attempting to explain its merit. Bremmer actually does map out some hypothetical flash points in the G-zero that could lead to either war (less military than historically) or more cooperation. It really depends on the nature of the flash point, in substance and magnitude.
An example that sticks with me is a North Korean collapse, that might foster broad cooperation as the US and China mutualize the humanitarian, and state building cost, and secure the nuclear arsenal. A lot will also depend on the ascendency of a lot of emerging nations, and the regional blocks of influence they create.. or don’t.
Or another example: as an economic rebalancing occurs, and China increasingly protects its local industries and state run firms to sell Chinese goods to an ascendant Chinese middle class, American based mne’s will feel cheated and apply pressure on Washington to act. That could escalate into agression, probably on a cyber front. Interesting to read in 2018 given Trump’s action on that.
In short, the G-zero will incubate new sources of conflict (water and food security, suppression of political dissent, information hoarding, climate), make all of them difficult to manage, and push international politics toward multiple forms of crisis. The G-zero will produce winners and losers. Firms that will win will be those that are most adaptable, that can move to take advantage of lowest tax rates for example. Countries that will win will be those best positioned to pivot (Brazil, Indonesia, Kazakhstan) due to diversified economies and trade partners. It won’t be a permanent status quo, but could last 10 or more years.
I’m not sure why this book never gripped me, because it had all the elements I look for: concise, broad in coverage and interesting predictions. Yet somehow I found myself struggling to get through it. It’s perhaps because it hops so regularly from one area or subject to another without breaks in the text or new subject headers. Just a personal preference - overall not bad.
An example that sticks with me is a North Korean collapse, that might foster broad cooperation as the US and China mutualize the humanitarian, and state building cost, and secure the nuclear arsenal. A lot will also depend on the ascendency of a lot of emerging nations, and the regional blocks of influence they create.. or don’t.
Or another example: as an economic rebalancing occurs, and China increasingly protects its local industries and state run firms to sell Chinese goods to an ascendant Chinese middle class, American based mne’s will feel cheated and apply pressure on Washington to act. That could escalate into agression, probably on a cyber front. Interesting to read in 2018 given Trump’s action on that.
In short, the G-zero will incubate new sources of conflict (water and food security, suppression of political dissent, information hoarding, climate), make all of them difficult to manage, and push international politics toward multiple forms of crisis. The G-zero will produce winners and losers. Firms that will win will be those that are most adaptable, that can move to take advantage of lowest tax rates for example. Countries that will win will be those best positioned to pivot (Brazil, Indonesia, Kazakhstan) due to diversified economies and trade partners. It won’t be a permanent status quo, but could last 10 or more years.
I’m not sure why this book never gripped me, because it had all the elements I look for: concise, broad in coverage and interesting predictions. Yet somehow I found myself struggling to get through it. It’s perhaps because it hops so regularly from one area or subject to another without breaks in the text or new subject headers. Just a personal preference - overall not bad.
January 3, 2019
A broad review of contemporary (not quite, since the book was published in 2012, and we have seen the annexation of Crimea, Brexit and Trump since then ) world affairs. Probably useful if you don't watch news. As to recipes and forecasts, they are mostly a collection of platitudes. It's better to be rich, healthy and have a lot of friends, than poor, sick and alone. But then again, isn't that right?
November 5, 2022
Could be condensed into an article.
February 22, 2019
In this book, Bremmer put forward his thesis that the world is moving toward a leaderless world, a world where no single nation or group of nations can impose anything to other states to coordinate international response and solve global problems. He termed this new world G-Zero, as opposed to the grouping of established power which created a club of G7- a club of 7 powerful nation.
The G7 has diminishing power as the U.S. power slowly wane off and the EU disintegrates, while a much larger club like the G20 produces nothing of substance. On contrary, we have a number of emerging nations assuming greater economic and political power on the global arena, but none of them was capable or willing to assume global leadership.
The book also is dense with ‘American exceptionalism’ which made it non-objective and highly political. Some of it was not based on fact but on assumption. For example, in discussing the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), Bremmer wrote that “Iran join the club but cheat”. No evidence cited for this accusation, instead, in the following line he said Iran “generally assumes” to be hiding its nuclear weapons program. So, this accusation is not based on fact but an assumption.
Closing the book, Bremmer comes out with what the future might look like. The future according to Bremmer depends on the U.S., China, and the other countries. This book was written in 2012, whilst this review was written in 2019. So, we already in the future and can look back at Bremmer proposed image of the future.
Bremmer suggested 4 possibilities, judging from the current world affairs the most suitable candidate will be the “Wold of Regions” where the emerging countries become stronger whilst the U.S. and China relationship becoming more hostile. We can see the trade war currently brewing between these two superpowers, with tariff been imposed on each other and the growing tension on Huawei expanding their technological reach. While other countries climbing the global political ladder. Even the U.S. sanction on Venezuela is not working as India continue to buy Venezuelan oil. Whilst Turkey ignored U.S. threat and continue purchasing Russian missiles system.
Bremmer concludes the book on looking at the U.S. fate in the G-Zero world. He ends the book with his last touch of American exceptionalism saying that the U.S. always has a second act and can rise again. To do this they need to accept the world as it is and innovate to adapt.
His analysis is very shallow, he touched a point and quickly move to the next one. And because of his commitment to free-market and American-exceptionalism doctrine, I can only give 3 stars.
The G7 has diminishing power as the U.S. power slowly wane off and the EU disintegrates, while a much larger club like the G20 produces nothing of substance. On contrary, we have a number of emerging nations assuming greater economic and political power on the global arena, but none of them was capable or willing to assume global leadership.
The book also is dense with ‘American exceptionalism’ which made it non-objective and highly political. Some of it was not based on fact but on assumption. For example, in discussing the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), Bremmer wrote that “Iran join the club but cheat”. No evidence cited for this accusation, instead, in the following line he said Iran “generally assumes” to be hiding its nuclear weapons program. So, this accusation is not based on fact but an assumption.
Closing the book, Bremmer comes out with what the future might look like. The future according to Bremmer depends on the U.S., China, and the other countries. This book was written in 2012, whilst this review was written in 2019. So, we already in the future and can look back at Bremmer proposed image of the future.
Bremmer suggested 4 possibilities, judging from the current world affairs the most suitable candidate will be the “Wold of Regions” where the emerging countries become stronger whilst the U.S. and China relationship becoming more hostile. We can see the trade war currently brewing between these two superpowers, with tariff been imposed on each other and the growing tension on Huawei expanding their technological reach. While other countries climbing the global political ladder. Even the U.S. sanction on Venezuela is not working as India continue to buy Venezuelan oil. Whilst Turkey ignored U.S. threat and continue purchasing Russian missiles system.
Bremmer concludes the book on looking at the U.S. fate in the G-Zero world. He ends the book with his last touch of American exceptionalism saying that the U.S. always has a second act and can rise again. To do this they need to accept the world as it is and innovate to adapt.
His analysis is very shallow, he touched a point and quickly move to the next one. And because of his commitment to free-market and American-exceptionalism doctrine, I can only give 3 stars.
January 18, 2013
What if the course of leadership in the world changes? Bremmer analyzes the possibility of a global environment with no alliance system to set forth global leadership. Yet, Bremmer does not only focus on the purported problems of natural disasters, rogue states, and financial meltdowns. He brings into question about the networks that would dictate global trade, international laws, etc. This would change the course of cooperation among nations. Would traditional alliance hold strong or would every nation fend for itself?
The G-model has proven to be a go-to tactic for world politicians, instituted when problems go beyond an individual state’s control. Bremmer sets for the scenario for a situation in which politicians will not be meeting behind closed doors, but refusing to meet with each other at all.
The text allows one to assess not only how nations fare in an international system, but also on the roles of citizens in each state. With less context in an international system, would the nations turn towards its citizenry? Bremmer somewhat contradicts this view in stating that, even in a state context, there will be conflict between opposing parties. Domestic politics would occupy the space, to a greater degree, that is voided by their foreign counterpart.
Overall, Bremmer does well in mapping out the international scenario in a G-Zero world, but he does not go in-depth as to who the “winners” and “losers” would be. There is a lack of concrete data to support the scenarios he mentions.
The G-model has proven to be a go-to tactic for world politicians, instituted when problems go beyond an individual state’s control. Bremmer sets for the scenario for a situation in which politicians will not be meeting behind closed doors, but refusing to meet with each other at all.
The text allows one to assess not only how nations fare in an international system, but also on the roles of citizens in each state. With less context in an international system, would the nations turn towards its citizenry? Bremmer somewhat contradicts this view in stating that, even in a state context, there will be conflict between opposing parties. Domestic politics would occupy the space, to a greater degree, that is voided by their foreign counterpart.
Overall, Bremmer does well in mapping out the international scenario in a G-Zero world, but he does not go in-depth as to who the “winners” and “losers” would be. There is a lack of concrete data to support the scenarios he mentions.
September 29, 2012
What happens when there is no "leader of the free world?" How does the world function if every nation only considers its own best interests? The implications go beyond the potential for wars and terrorism. Who will set the global standards of trade, currency, and international networks? If all countries are out for themselves how do they work together on issues like climate change? The consequences of such a situation are frightening to contemplate but they are also with us on a daily basis.
Bremmer does not see G-Zero as permanent. He envisions it as a state that will eventually lead to a crisis point and the creation of a new state. Will it be a state where China and the U.S. join forces or are in conflict? Will another nation or group of nations band together or will nations and regions war against one another? Could we be facing Cold War 2.0, a battle not of weapons but of trade? Like other similar books that are able to aptly convey where we are now but not confidently predict where we will be, Every Nation For Itself leaves us stuck. Hopefully the United States will realize it doesn't always have to save the world but it owes it to is citizens to save itself. In an ideal world, opposing political parties would work together for the greater good. As Bremmer shows, we really don't have much of a choice.
Bremmer does not see G-Zero as permanent. He envisions it as a state that will eventually lead to a crisis point and the creation of a new state. Will it be a state where China and the U.S. join forces or are in conflict? Will another nation or group of nations band together or will nations and regions war against one another? Could we be facing Cold War 2.0, a battle not of weapons but of trade? Like other similar books that are able to aptly convey where we are now but not confidently predict where we will be, Every Nation For Itself leaves us stuck. Hopefully the United States will realize it doesn't always have to save the world but it owes it to is citizens to save itself. In an ideal world, opposing political parties would work together for the greater good. As Bremmer shows, we really don't have much of a choice.
July 28, 2012
So this is my first Ian Bremmer book and I have to say I was not overly impressed. Based on the title "winners and losers" and the interview with Fareed Zakaria (posted on Amazon) I was expecting to get a lot more detail on which nations are going to be winners (or losers) and why.
The Pros: Aside from some interesting jargon that he creates (G-zero, "shadow state", "pivot state") he really does a good job with outlining various global political scenarios and mapping them into a 4 quadrant grid (page 157 I think). This to me was strength of the book and perhaps its essence.
Cons: Quite a few. First - the analysis of each winner or loser country is unbelievably sketchy. He deals with entire countries in a matter of pages without going into any real depth or providing analysis/facts of the country. Also missing was a solid reasoning behind his forecast for winner/loser other than "pivot state".
In the end - the author is a political scientist and seems to evaluate a country's ability to succeed through that one lens.
The Pros: Aside from some interesting jargon that he creates (G-zero, "shadow state", "pivot state") he really does a good job with outlining various global political scenarios and mapping them into a 4 quadrant grid (page 157 I think). This to me was strength of the book and perhaps its essence.
Cons: Quite a few. First - the analysis of each winner or loser country is unbelievably sketchy. He deals with entire countries in a matter of pages without going into any real depth or providing analysis/facts of the country. Also missing was a solid reasoning behind his forecast for winner/loser other than "pivot state".
In the end - the author is a political scientist and seems to evaluate a country's ability to succeed through that one lens.
July 25, 2024
This book struck me as superficial, mainly consisting of a light overview of international relations combined with a lot of guesswork regarding what "could" happen or "might" happen in different scenarios.
Reading it in 2023 added an extra layer, since in hindsight some of the predictions seem overly confident (such as China struggling with domestic unrest). It is hard to write with confidence about the future, so I do have some sympathy for people that fail to predict things. I am 100% confident that I would have failed to predict things. But if somebody explicitly writes a book full of predictions, then I don't feel bad for holding you to them.
Maybe I would have enjoyed this book more if I had read it at age 19 or 20, or if I read it before I took a single international relations course in college. But it seems to be the international relations version of a pop-science book: some things that are true but trivial, lots of oversimplification, lots of hand waving, and nothing to be learned if you are moderately well-read and knowledgeable about the field.
Reading it in 2023 added an extra layer, since in hindsight some of the predictions seem overly confident (such as China struggling with domestic unrest). It is hard to write with confidence about the future, so I do have some sympathy for people that fail to predict things. I am 100% confident that I would have failed to predict things. But if somebody explicitly writes a book full of predictions, then I don't feel bad for holding you to them.
Maybe I would have enjoyed this book more if I had read it at age 19 or 20, or if I read it before I took a single international relations course in college. But it seems to be the international relations version of a pop-science book: some things that are true but trivial, lots of oversimplification, lots of hand waving, and nothing to be learned if you are moderately well-read and knowledgeable about the field.
May 18, 2012
An excellent book with lots of information about possible scenarios concerning where world leadership is going. Bremmer claims we are entering a time when there is no real world leader and ultimately presents five possible scenarios about what things will look like on the other side of G-Zero. While predicting the future is always a risky task, Bremmer provides a good overview of where things are today, why the U.S. cannot muster the political or financial resources to be "the" leader as we go into the future, and what that possibly means. He isn't saying the U.S. is finished by any means, but that things will be different. One of the underlying themes is that the winners will be those who can and will change in line with new realities rather than ignoring new realities.
August 4, 2015
If the worst threatened, where would the world look to for leadership?
This is the question posed by Ian Bremmer in Every Nation for Itself: What Happens When No One Leads the World (2012). Bremmer, a noted authority in the field of political risk, paints a portrait of a world in “tumultuous transition” as the result of an ongoing vacuum in global leadership. The de facto sources of guidance and direction are now increasingly incapable or unwilling to supply it. The United States and other industrialized Western nations are no longer able to dictate the global agenda. International institutions such as the World Bank and the IMF are sliding into irrelevance as their structure ceases to reflect the true balance of power. Transnational problems such as climate change and terrorism require broad and substantive collaboration; yet cooperation between the developed and developing world remains elusive as governments of emerging powers must continue to carefully manage their own political and economic advancement. This is the world of the G-Zero where effective and consistent global leadership is conspicuously absent.
How did we get here? Bremmer begins by explaining how the seeds of the current global order were first sown at the height of American dominance during the post-WW2 reconstruction period. He goes on to deftly recount how developments such as the advent of oil diplomacy, the proliferation of nuclear weapons, and the rise of the Asian tigers have all contributed to reducing American primacy and ushering in a new age of complexity and uncertainty. Bremmer’s analysis reveals just enough depth to provide a comprehensive outline of the path that led us to our present disorder without getting mired in details that are better left to monographs. He exhibits a fine mind for revealing the relationships between diverse subjects and making easy sense of their impact on international politics and global affairs.
Of course, in any struggle, there must inevitably be winners and losers. As such, analyses of the players and the rules of the game must ultimately be actionable in order to be useful. Thankfully, the book does not neglect to define what it would take to succeed in the present environment. Bremmer’s lesson for both governments and firms is succinct: “Winners have good options. Losers don’t.” In the face of constantly shifting circumstances, preserving flexibility must be the priority of anyone determined not only to survive but to succeed. Those who do not act to broaden their political and economic options will inevitably be swept away by the creative destruction engendered by a leaderless environment. Think, for example, of how dependence on Russian energy is constraining the ability of the European Union to sanction Vladimir Putin’s adventurism in Ukraine; or of how Venezuela, whose oil revenues account for roughly half of its government’s income, has been battered by last year’s plummet of global oil prices.
Of utmost interest in this chapter is the concept of the pivot state: “a country able to build profitable relationships with multiple other countries without becoming overly reliant on any one of them.” Their ability to pivot between different partners allows them to create their own opportunities and grants them a critical advantage. Vietnam is provided as an example because “it receives most of its development aid from Japan, its arms from Russia, its machinery (and tourism) from China, and its biggest export market from the United States.” In contrast, the Philippines’ top export and import partner is China, a country we are currently embroiled in a prominent and tense maritime dispute with. China is also our second largest source of developmental assistance and our fourth largest source of foreign investment. With our country’s involvement in the recently launched China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, our dependence on Chinese goodwill is likely to deepen even further. Guaranteeing the independence and flexibility of our foreign policy over the long-term would require not only limiting our exposure to China, but also avoiding the risk of becoming locked instead in Washington’s orbit in our scramble for a counterbalance.
China itself is rightfully awarded particular attention in the book given its fast-growing political and economic importance on the world stage. Bremmer argues that while China is indeed presented with many opportunities by the existing G-Zero environment, it also faces several significant internal challenges; not least of which is its ongoing efforts to reform its economy towards greater market freedom and consumption-led growth. China is in the midst of a difficult transition as it attempts to move to the next stage of development and fully emerge as a modern middle-income power. In contrast with other developing states, China must undertake ambitious and complex economic and social reforms to sustain its growth and thus is the nation least likely to develop along a predictable path.
Bremmer moves on to point out that the present disorder is inherently unstable and cannot persist indefinitely. He directs our attention to two fundamental questions. First, could the United States and China arrive at meaningful collaboration or is confrontation inescapable? According to him, “no political or commercial relationship is more important for twenty-first-century peace and prosperity.” Second, would other countries have the strength to play a significant and independent role in international affairs? The answers to these questions are crucial to understanding the nature of the new international order that would ultimately emerge from the G-Zero.
Three years later and Bremmer has proven prescient in anticipating the consequences of the ongoing paucity of global leadership. Countries in crisis are at a record high according to the United Nations. Local conflicts and tensions are rising on almost every continent from Europe to Africa to Asia. The global leadership vacuum has emboldened a number of states to attempt to subvert the international rules-based order in their pursuit of regional hegemony. Arguments and disputes regarding everything from refugee burden-sharing in Southeast Asia, to the Iran nuclear negotiations, to alleged corruption in FIFA abound.
What should our leaders do in the face of these challenges and what comes next? Every Nation for Itself offers a tidy yet comprehensive overview of the current state of global affairs. It is an indispensable introductory guide for members of the general audience wishing to find answers to these questions and more; a must-read for anyone with an interest in international relations.
This is the question posed by Ian Bremmer in Every Nation for Itself: What Happens When No One Leads the World (2012). Bremmer, a noted authority in the field of political risk, paints a portrait of a world in “tumultuous transition” as the result of an ongoing vacuum in global leadership. The de facto sources of guidance and direction are now increasingly incapable or unwilling to supply it. The United States and other industrialized Western nations are no longer able to dictate the global agenda. International institutions such as the World Bank and the IMF are sliding into irrelevance as their structure ceases to reflect the true balance of power. Transnational problems such as climate change and terrorism require broad and substantive collaboration; yet cooperation between the developed and developing world remains elusive as governments of emerging powers must continue to carefully manage their own political and economic advancement. This is the world of the G-Zero where effective and consistent global leadership is conspicuously absent.
How did we get here? Bremmer begins by explaining how the seeds of the current global order were first sown at the height of American dominance during the post-WW2 reconstruction period. He goes on to deftly recount how developments such as the advent of oil diplomacy, the proliferation of nuclear weapons, and the rise of the Asian tigers have all contributed to reducing American primacy and ushering in a new age of complexity and uncertainty. Bremmer’s analysis reveals just enough depth to provide a comprehensive outline of the path that led us to our present disorder without getting mired in details that are better left to monographs. He exhibits a fine mind for revealing the relationships between diverse subjects and making easy sense of their impact on international politics and global affairs.
Of course, in any struggle, there must inevitably be winners and losers. As such, analyses of the players and the rules of the game must ultimately be actionable in order to be useful. Thankfully, the book does not neglect to define what it would take to succeed in the present environment. Bremmer’s lesson for both governments and firms is succinct: “Winners have good options. Losers don’t.” In the face of constantly shifting circumstances, preserving flexibility must be the priority of anyone determined not only to survive but to succeed. Those who do not act to broaden their political and economic options will inevitably be swept away by the creative destruction engendered by a leaderless environment. Think, for example, of how dependence on Russian energy is constraining the ability of the European Union to sanction Vladimir Putin’s adventurism in Ukraine; or of how Venezuela, whose oil revenues account for roughly half of its government’s income, has been battered by last year’s plummet of global oil prices.
Of utmost interest in this chapter is the concept of the pivot state: “a country able to build profitable relationships with multiple other countries without becoming overly reliant on any one of them.” Their ability to pivot between different partners allows them to create their own opportunities and grants them a critical advantage. Vietnam is provided as an example because “it receives most of its development aid from Japan, its arms from Russia, its machinery (and tourism) from China, and its biggest export market from the United States.” In contrast, the Philippines’ top export and import partner is China, a country we are currently embroiled in a prominent and tense maritime dispute with. China is also our second largest source of developmental assistance and our fourth largest source of foreign investment. With our country’s involvement in the recently launched China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, our dependence on Chinese goodwill is likely to deepen even further. Guaranteeing the independence and flexibility of our foreign policy over the long-term would require not only limiting our exposure to China, but also avoiding the risk of becoming locked instead in Washington’s orbit in our scramble for a counterbalance.
China itself is rightfully awarded particular attention in the book given its fast-growing political and economic importance on the world stage. Bremmer argues that while China is indeed presented with many opportunities by the existing G-Zero environment, it also faces several significant internal challenges; not least of which is its ongoing efforts to reform its economy towards greater market freedom and consumption-led growth. China is in the midst of a difficult transition as it attempts to move to the next stage of development and fully emerge as a modern middle-income power. In contrast with other developing states, China must undertake ambitious and complex economic and social reforms to sustain its growth and thus is the nation least likely to develop along a predictable path.
Bremmer moves on to point out that the present disorder is inherently unstable and cannot persist indefinitely. He directs our attention to two fundamental questions. First, could the United States and China arrive at meaningful collaboration or is confrontation inescapable? According to him, “no political or commercial relationship is more important for twenty-first-century peace and prosperity.” Second, would other countries have the strength to play a significant and independent role in international affairs? The answers to these questions are crucial to understanding the nature of the new international order that would ultimately emerge from the G-Zero.
Three years later and Bremmer has proven prescient in anticipating the consequences of the ongoing paucity of global leadership. Countries in crisis are at a record high according to the United Nations. Local conflicts and tensions are rising on almost every continent from Europe to Africa to Asia. The global leadership vacuum has emboldened a number of states to attempt to subvert the international rules-based order in their pursuit of regional hegemony. Arguments and disputes regarding everything from refugee burden-sharing in Southeast Asia, to the Iran nuclear negotiations, to alleged corruption in FIFA abound.
What should our leaders do in the face of these challenges and what comes next? Every Nation for Itself offers a tidy yet comprehensive overview of the current state of global affairs. It is an indispensable introductory guide for members of the general audience wishing to find answers to these questions and more; a must-read for anyone with an interest in international relations.
September 16, 2020
"Why do we care about international standards? Because when the rules of the game are simple, uniform, and universally accepted, trade in ideas, information, goods, and services costs less and produces less conflict."
Okay, so here's what I think about this book. The author brought in an interesting thesis about how the international cooperation such as G20 and G7 have failed and how the emergence of G-Zero could only bring threat of a centralized power. Yet, the author only focused on the decline of the once global powerhouses; United States, Europe, and Japan.
Look, I do aware that those powerhouses are the main actors of G20 and G7, but the decline of those countries happened at the same time with the emergence of the new powers; China and South Korea.
The author argued as if the decline United States, Europe, and Japan means the end of global cooperation and the increasing threat of power centralization. The truth is, perhaps the emergence of China and South Korea as the new powerhouses could establish the new G20 or other forms of new global cooperation?
But then the global values will change!
Now, dear friend, the global values that we are holding onto right now are the products of Western hegemony. It's only the matter of time until the old hegemony crumble and being replaced by the new one, thus shaping the new global values.
The thought of the changing hegemony, world powers, and global values might be too far away, nearly impossible to happen.
But, well, we once thought that the POTUS wouldn't have been a clown, but here we are, aren't we?
Okay, so here's what I think about this book. The author brought in an interesting thesis about how the international cooperation such as G20 and G7 have failed and how the emergence of G-Zero could only bring threat of a centralized power. Yet, the author only focused on the decline of the once global powerhouses; United States, Europe, and Japan.
Look, I do aware that those powerhouses are the main actors of G20 and G7, but the decline of those countries happened at the same time with the emergence of the new powers; China and South Korea.
The author argued as if the decline United States, Europe, and Japan means the end of global cooperation and the increasing threat of power centralization. The truth is, perhaps the emergence of China and South Korea as the new powerhouses could establish the new G20 or other forms of new global cooperation?
But then the global values will change!
Now, dear friend, the global values that we are holding onto right now are the products of Western hegemony. It's only the matter of time until the old hegemony crumble and being replaced by the new one, thus shaping the new global values.
The thought of the changing hegemony, world powers, and global values might be too far away, nearly impossible to happen.
But, well, we once thought that the POTUS wouldn't have been a clown, but here we are, aren't we?
January 1, 2020
This is one of those books that comes along at the right price for a speculative purchase.
Ian Bremmer speculates about the world to come from a recent past. His theme, economically and politically grounded, is presented with logic and plausibility, and there are a few things that are still key issues, notwithstanding the rise of populism, Brexit and other -isms, and the ascension to power of Donald Trump.
I dipped into this book rather than reading it from cover to cover and found it well-written and well-informed with some excellent observations and judgements. Even though the current situation hasn't exactly been anticipated by the author, there's plenty of relevant historical information that will reward a casual read.
Ian Bremmer speculates about the world to come from a recent past. His theme, economically and politically grounded, is presented with logic and plausibility, and there are a few things that are still key issues, notwithstanding the rise of populism, Brexit and other -isms, and the ascension to power of Donald Trump.
I dipped into this book rather than reading it from cover to cover and found it well-written and well-informed with some excellent observations and judgements. Even though the current situation hasn't exactly been anticipated by the author, there's plenty of relevant historical information that will reward a casual read.
July 1, 2017
How interesting is to read Bremmer's prediction in 2017. Some are right, some are mistaken.
He is right about US cannot afford "peacekeeping" after 2008 economic crisis, and China is not yet ready to take over the burden due to internal issues. 2016 onwards is when the western world moves toward conservatism and protectionism. Personally I don't think he gets Turkey and Brazil right.
But Bremmer's word usage in this book simply paints a very bright future for US remaining the world's superpower. Well, let history delivers its verdict then.
He is right about US cannot afford "peacekeeping" after 2008 economic crisis, and China is not yet ready to take over the burden due to internal issues. 2016 onwards is when the western world moves toward conservatism and protectionism. Personally I don't think he gets Turkey and Brazil right.
But Bremmer's word usage in this book simply paints a very bright future for US remaining the world's superpower. Well, let history delivers its verdict then.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
January 5, 2018
Interesting perspective, but I felt a bit as though I were reading a student's final research paper. Bremmer repeated himself multiple times as though he were desperately trying to convince you of his point. His evidence was often "listy," whereby he would make declarative statements in series without any hard data to back up his claims. Overall though, I did still enjoy reading it, and although Bremmer himself may not have convinced me entirely, he did spike my curiosity and will inspire me to do my own research on the topic.
March 13, 2022
First some country, I think it was North Korea, has the nuclear weapon. And bullies everyone into doing whatever the government of that country wants. In that political context they impose their soon-to-be-worthless printed money as the reference money. They will continue pushing for control even at home. In 1941 they have concentration camps, but they will go forward with secret tribunals, secret prisons, torture of the political opposition, and total surveillance on a scale that STASI never thought it was possible. And this is a ”crisis in leadership”?
February 5, 2018
Even though the possibilities can be difficult to abide by or taken into account seriously given the nature of change the world is going through now, it is still a comprehensive and thoughtful reminder for Americans on what America's outlook perspective ought to be, particularly now in the age of Trump and "America First."
November 29, 2020
Been a fan of Ian for awhile having heard him on his podcast and enjoyed his company's G-Zero Newsletter. The book felt a bit too simplistic though and repetitive. Even with hindsight reading this today (2020) in the context this was written in 2012, it felt like a struggle to weave this larger grand themes with specific short term events. Bit disappointing
June 11, 2021
Bremmer makes a valid arugment about the possible future of the international order and how truly global issues can be addressed. Much of the writing is steeped in american exceptionalism and very focused on the relationship between China and the US. The book is woefully out of date however as it is from a pre-ISIS, pre-Crimea, pre-Trump and pre-covid era.
May 28, 2025
An excellent geopolitical book, which admittedly syncs with my own belief about geopolitics. Despite being a short book, it introduces the idea of G-Zero quite well, and describes a few situations that are relevant or true today. Granted, with many shots, you will get a few hits; still the narrative is strong enough that there is a lot to pick up.
Read
June 21, 2020Was very interesting to follow the ideas of the author on how the world has remined leaderless and how much there is a need for better leaders to sit around the table not only formally but with the willingness of cooperation for the common good of not only each nation but the planet.
November 28, 2021
Well written and mercifully short. In the decade since this book was released, it has only become more relevant, and much of Bremmer's prognostication has already been borne out. A worthwhile read for anyone trying to make sense of the current and near future state of global affairs.
March 3, 2025
A concise excellent book by one of today's best geopolitical analysts. Although the book is increasingly outdated (pre-Brexit, pre-pandemic, pre-Trump), it is still prescient and relevant for clearly laying out the broad strokes of the evolving international (dis)order.
January 19, 2019
Fascinating!
November 12, 2019
Read it, go to a newspaper and see how events today were explained almost 20 years ago.
April 26, 2022
A high level, but useful, survey of global issues and the primary players at the table. Yes it was written 10 years ago, but I still found it helpful as an introductory work.
Read
December 2, 2023Just read parts of, got the overall idea
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