What do you think?
Rate this book


389 pages, Hardcover
First published January 1, 1952
There was a bright moon that night, and most of the army kept to the road long after the sun had gone down ... there was a stir in the air, and the first faint tug had been felt from the line that had been thrown into Gettysburg, a quiet hint that something was apt to pull the whole army together on those long ridges and wooded hills ... Vincent ... took his men through a little town, where the moonlight lay bright in the street, and in every doorway there were girls waving flags and cheering ... as the colors went by (Vincent) took off his hat, and he sat there quietly, watching the flags moving on in the silver light ... To an aid ... the Colonel mused aloud: "There could be worse fates that to die fighting here in Pennsylvania, with that flag waving overhead". There was the long white road in the moonlight, with the small town girls laughing and crying in the shadows, and the swaying ranks of the young men waving to them and moving on past them. To these girls who had been nowhere and who had all their lives before them this was the first of all the roads of the earth, and to many of the young men who marched off under the moon it was the last of all the roads ...
"Wendell Phillips, the gadfly of abolition, was on the rostrum that spring of 1863 crying out that the power which dwelt in [Emancipation] must be used as a telling weapon. He saw the war between North and South as something infinitely portentous, not confined to one continent: 'Wherever caste lives, wherever class power exists, whether it be on the Thames or on the Seine, whether on the Ganges or on the Danube, there the South has an ally…Never until we welcome the Negro, the foreigner, all races as equals, and melted together in a common nationality, hurl them against all despotism, will the North deserve triumph or earn it at the hands of a just God.'” (Glory Road, p. 220)
"But had the United States and its ability to project its power worldwide been critically weakened in the 1860s the twentieth century world would have been a very different and probably much nastier place. It is of course impossible to speak with any certainty of the long-range consequences of Confederate victory. But the emergence on North American soil of a nation rooted in populist racialism and ruled by an agrarian semi-aristocracy might well have changed the whole balance of geopolitical and ideological forces in the world. It might, for instance, have impeded the construction of the Anglo-American alliance. A consequence of Confederate independence could also easily have been an attempt by the North to seize Canada to make up for the loss of the Confederacy. Even without this, lasting Anglo-American enmity could have resulted from the manner in which Confederate independence was gained and internationally recognized, or indeed from the way in which the break-up of the Union encouraged London to pursue its traditional policy of trying to maintain a balance of power in North America rather than—as actually happened after 1865—accepting the hegemony of the United States in its hemisphere and appeasing American leaders. Since Anglo-American solidarity was crucial to the victory of democracy in the twentieth century, the possibility that it could have been compromised by the long-term consequences of the American Civil War is of great significance." (Dominic Lieven, Empire)
"It was not simply that Jim Crow undermined propaganda for the war against Germany and Japan. The war itself, and the revelation of what Nazi and Japanese racism were capable of, convinced [New Deal liberals] that putting an end to racialist ideology and Jim Crow practices was a moral necessity. One of the key elements in that transformation was the role of Hollywood, whose films would shape the myth of World War II as “the Good War,” in which multiracial American democracy defeated two evil empires based on racist fanaticism…
Since 1943 [and the release of Bataan] the “ethnic platoon” has become a cliché of American war movies, a standard formula for the representation of the nation and the American people. We see it not only in combat films, but in other genres that dramatize the activities of the state, ranging from police precinct dramas to science-fiction fantasies: a uniformed unit representing the significant racial, ethnic, class and now gender differences must put those differences aside to save the unit, and the nation it represents, from an enemy who threatens annihilation or enslavement. But in 1943 it was a radical innovation in the way war movies were conceived and in the way American society was to be represented." (Richard Slotkin, Lost Battalions: The Great War and the Crisis of American Nationality)