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359 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1965
Dispells the myth of the Andalusian harmony: "The communities of Christians, Jews and Muslims in Spain never lived together on the same terms, and their coexistence was always a relationship between unequals" (p. 4)
But at the same time religious fundamentialism is likewise a myth: "Spain was not, as often imagined, a society dominated exclusively by zealots." (p. 5)
This chapter dispells the myths surrounding the expulsion of the Jews. After a series of riots and forced conversions, at the hands of wealthy nobels, suspicious peasants and jealous economic competitors, the Crown and Church made efforts to protect the tiny minority (2%). They were finally given the choice of conversion or expulsion, it would seem, almost by accident of history as neither the Church nor the Crown really pushed for it and the Inquisition had no authority over non-Christians.
Neither was the expulsion the decisive economic blow or demographic catastrophe often imagined. It was a policy adopted, partially out of fear of Granada and Islam, partially out of problems with the converso community, but mostly out of a desire to build a homogenous Christian community after years of civil war on the peninsula. Most prefered conversion to expulsion and even those who left frequently returned, "The Jews who returned as Christians were welcomed, and the proportion of those who returned was high. They were, the evidence suggests, given back their jobs, property and houses." (p.31)
This chapter deals with the first and most important wave of persecutions (of conversos), Jews who relapsed into Judaism either by accident or intentionally. The picture painted is placed in its historical context as the numbers attest and though the Inquisition is far from a bastion of enlightenment, neither is it the gestapo of later mythology. It rather comes across as something of an IRS of early modern Spain. A government department frequently at odds with the the Crown and the foreign headquartered Church, fighting to establish its own identity, authority and carve out its own space while also being used as a stepping stone for bureaucrats. Or is it something like the NSA/CIA/FBI? A police force ensuring the safety of the state (but with infinitely fewer resources). Maybe more like an anti-narcotics police force established in Columbia with the support of the USA. Maybe the SEC, dealing with specific crimes though jurisdictions overlap and authority is often in the hands of the politicians wagging the tail. All analogies inevitably fail but what emerges is not the NKVD of the Soviet Union, nor the Gestapo, but something rather less malignant verging on benign.
While it handed out death sentences for heresy at a modest rate (still too high for my modern tastes), I think Kamen could have done a better job defending the Inquisitions own position of why it was felt necessary (though he does note that it was universal practice at the time across Europe). Not that it is necessarily a defensible position, just this is one area overlooked: why was the persecution of heretics felt necessary by the vast majority of the Spanish population and Europe at large?
How did something established to deal with a specific problem (conversos) in a specific time and place survive for 350 years? Just like its founding, it would seem the answer lies somewhere between 'accident' and 'bureaucratic persistence'. Kamen notes the relative lack of opposition to something so insidious, "The majority of Spaniards had no problems about accepting the Inquisition, simple because it was not there or at least had only a marginal impact on their daily lives." (p. 75)
At the name suggests, this chapter deals with the lack of Protestants dealt with by the Inquisition, mostly because they were not in Spain in any significant number. "no more than eighty-three persons-sixty-four Spaniards and nineteen foreigners- died at the hands of the Inquisition between 1559 and 1563. The English authorities under Queen Mary had executed nearly four times as many heretics as died in Spain in the years just after 1559, the French under Henry II at least three times as many. In the Netherlands fifteen times as many had died." (p. 107)
Perhaps it should be noted that Guantanamo Bay housed three times as many 'enemies of the state' in semi-illegal conditions and through the modern lense of tolerance and purality I find both unfortunate, I also sympathise with the fear that perhaps it was necessary to avoid the catastrophes of the 30 years war, or another 911.
Just like prohibition, the impact of the Inquisition on Literature and Science was negligable at worst, and possibly gave insentive to read banned books (which was only peripherally related to the Inquisition as it never came up with its own Index but usually copied lists from abroad.
"The Index, for several reasons, had less impact than is often thought. First, most of the books banned in it were never even remotely in reach of the Spanish reader and had never been available in the peninsula... Second, the Index [the actual list] was large, expensive, in short supply and inevitably both imperfect and out of date...banned books continued to be on sale years after appearing...Third, the index faced shapr criticism from booksellers...Finally, the bulk of creative and scientific literature available to Spaniards never appeared in the Index." (p. 149-150)
This chapter could have used more than a cursory mention of the Morisco rebellions against the crown, the Barbary piracy, the Ottoman threat etc. "the huge Morisco community of Valencia. Here the military threat from the Ottoman Empire, backed up by piracy and coastal raids, made the authorities take steps to restrict and disarm Moriscos." (p. 171)
In fact, given todays cultural and political climate, this would make an interesting book. Were they really a threat? Was it paranoia? Could it be both?
This chapter I had hoped would deal with why heresy was considered a crime, but rather it dealt with the position of the Inquisition, squeezed between Church and State, belong to both and neither simultaneously though more to the State than the Church.
It deals mostly with money (how the Inquisition was financed, initially not at all, then by the Crown like any government bureau) and the use of familiars, who were not spies but people who could be called upon to help the inquisitors when they came to town. In fact, the inquisition never initiated cases but only responded to denunciations (which could be motivated by genuine concern, petty rivalry, jealousy, ignorance or more malicious intention).
The image is that of a bureaucracy stretched to the limits, understaffed, out of touch with the populace and barely able to assert itself and carve out a position in society. A far cry from the omnipresent everwatchful eye.
Possibly the most important chapter in debunking the myth of the Inquisition, the detailed analysis of numbers, statistics, and the descriptions of torture, punishments and executions lays waste to the myths my students usually repeat. There is simply too many interesting facts to relate them all here.
The dangers of taking the Inquisitions claims seriously. Every bureaucracy is bound to exagerate its importance in order to maintain its position of power. The auto de fes were no exception.
The Inquisition, though far from perfect, did not target women nor witches and likely saved Spain from the witchcraft craze which swept Europe, though certain feminists like to advance a contrary opinion, not based on numbers but on political ideology. Men were the overwhelming number of victims, prostitutes were never targeted, bigamy was dealt with more leniently for women and witchcraft was dealth with as a mental disorder.
"Spaniards did not cower before the Church or the Inquisition. Even at the height of the Catholic Reformation in Spain, non-marital sex flourished. Prostitutes walked the streets, aristocrats had mistresses, adulterers had secret rendezvous, and men had sex with men." (p. 291)
"[witches were] simple-minded women of little intelligence, feeble and timid, most of them poor, untaught in Christian doctrine and easily deceived." (p. 292) I think the same could be said today of all the magic-gem stone stores which cater to 50something divorced women.
This chapter deals mostly with the conversos, though I think it would benefit by being expanded to deal with the moriscos as well. In either case, the general Spanish trend to limpieza was never universally nor even widely accepted institutionally or socially and the Inquisition seems to have had a mitigating effect.
Contains the best quotation of the book when describing Spanish religion:
"'Religion' ended up as an extension of social discourse rather than a system of faith; it was, in other words, what you did rather than what you believed. Religion was the center of village activity, of community feeling, of armed conflict. Rather than being only a list of beliefs and practices laid down by the Church, it was much more, the sum of inherited attitudes and rituals relating both to the invisible and the visible world." (p. 329)
Many of the cases quoted in this chapter give a funny insight into Spanish irreligion at the time.
Interestingly there was a flurry of activity right before the closing of the Inquisition, mostly related to Portuguese conversos who had moved to Spain and fell under the Spanish Inquisitions jurisdiction. Most of the persecuted were wealthy bankers and traders, likely denounced by other wealthy bankers and traders in an attempt to gain a competitive advantage.
The Spanish Inquisition had few friends and no press due to the rule of secrecy. "The rule of secrecy, unfortunately, gagged the mouths of its own spokesmen and aided those of its detractors, so that for its entire career the propoganda war was won effortlessly by its enemies." (p. 390).
This allowed a rather boring bureacracy to become the subject of legends and exagerations, mostly from Protestants, and Liberals, but even in the Spanish psyche. In any case, the gap between scholarship and folklore has never been wider than with regards to the Inquisition.