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Maurice Bishop Speaks: The Grenada Revolution and Its Overthrow, 1979-83
Speeches and interviews by the central leader of the workers and farmers government in the Carribean islands of Grenada. With an introduction by Steve Clark.
512 pages, Paperback
First published December 1, 1983
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August 3, 2019
I bought this book in the 1990s. I am sorry that I left it for so long before reading it. One of my readers (shout out to OS) has asked me for a more structured approach, which I thought was a valid point, so I will take a line or two to provide a roadmap. I’m going to address the structure of the book. Then I will look at the historical, political and economic perspectives brought out in Bishop’s speeches. I hope to close with questions which remain unanswered. Throughout this review I expect I will sprinkle an occasional reference to other reading where I see connections. (I should say that my writing instinct is to provide a hook to capture the readers’ attention and let them sort out the structure on their own. Feedback on this particular point would be welcome). In this review I tend to quote heavily from the material in the book. I do so in order to have a clear reference for the questions I pose at the end.
“Maurice Bishop Speaks” is a collection of speeches and interviews with the late Prime Minister of Grenada, who was a pivotal leader in the Grenada Revolution which dated from March 13, 1979 through October 1983. From his words there is great insight to be gained with regards to the history as it unfolded, the political and economic perspectives of the speaker as a representative of his political party and the Grenada revolution. The nature of the book affected my approach to reading because there were aspects of the speeches which were not critical to me – and there were a number of repeated themes. It came to the point, occasionally where, once a paragraph started I would know where it was headed, so I admit I skimmed portions of the speeches. Even though I took that approach I was able to get a great deal from the book. I was impressed with Mr. Bishop’s capacity for sustained speeches which were organized and pointed.
From an historical perspective there were two paths that impacted me. One was a personal reminder of people and places in that era of the late 1970s and early 1980s. Mr. Bishop referenced contemporary political figures, conflicts and power struggles that were part of my life experience inasmuch as I read about them in the newspapers and saw them on nightly news. The other historical path was that of the brief history of the Grenada Revolution. While I need not relate that history here it was interesting to follow events that unfolded in the course of that history through the perspective of his speeches. One of the historical features that came out was the participation of Grenada in the Non-aligned Movement; an international organization whose members foreswore allying themselves with either of the two major nuclear powers: the U.S.S.R. and the U.S.A. In a July 12, 1981 interview, Mr. Bishop explained a special problem: “Later on, and still in the first three months, we discovered that the CIA had drawn up a three-pronged “pyramid plan,” made up of propaganda destabilization, economic sabotage and destabilization, and terrorist, counterrevolutionary, and assassination activities, to roll back the revolution.” So this laid out the outline of the events that transpired during the revolution, which must have eventually contributed to its end. Throughout the book, Mr. Bishop exposes each of these historical events as they occurred. Anyone who has read “Confessions of an Economic Hitman” by John Perkins would not be surprised by this nor would they doubt it. As an aside, I recommend that book strongly.
Concerning the history of education in Grenada (and other English-speaking colonies) he said:
“Perhaps the worst crime that colonialism left our country, has indeed left all former colonies, is the education system. This was so because the way in which that system developed, the way in which that system was used, was to teach our people an attitude of self-hate, to get us to abandon our history, our culture, our value. To get us to accept the principles of white superiority, to destroy our confidence, to stifle our creativity, to perpetuate in our society class privilege and class difference….It was meant to create the belief that social mobility was the most important factor to be had from education….It helped teach us the most negative attitudes and values that today we still see in certain sectors of our society. Attitudes of racist beliefs, racism, priorities, and chauvinist attitudes….” (July 2, 1979)
So throughout the book there were references to world history, regional history and Grenadian history. As a person who is interested in history I found this aspect of the speeches appealing.
Also, his references to historical situations in Grenada exposed some of the reasons why the general public was supportive of the New Jewel Movement party and its ouster of Erich Gairy. In July 1981, during an interview Mr. Bishop said about the pre-revolution conditions in health care, “The condition of the main hospital was quite alarming, and had increasingly come to be regarded as a department of La Qua’s Funeral Agency, where in fact you went to die, not to live: no bandages, no medicines, no pills of any sort; pregnant women having their children on the cold floor – really very awful conditions.” To overcome these and other disadvantages Mr. Bishop held the people in high esteem, “Our people are makers of history, not from a self-alienating viewpoint of imperialism, but from a point of view which affirms our right to self-determination, our proud spirit of resistance, our collective determination.” (October 15, 1981).
The political perspectives were, of course, deeply exposed in these speeches. One sees the tension between the dominant imperialist and colonial-minded political system which required total submission to its dictates and the political system being brought to life in Grenada. For instance, “But what we say to the reactionary elements in the USA, and we say clearly and it must be understood because we are serious, is that small as we are, and poor as we are, as a people and as a country we insist on the fundamental principles of legal equality, mutual respect for sovereignty, noninterference in our internal affairs, and the right to build our own process free from outside interference, free from intimidation, free from bullying, free from the use or threat of force.” But as we learn, the right to build one’s own processes would not be respected, because to allow this small island of 100,000 or so people to do so was a monumental threat to the ruling class in the United States. On July 13, 1981, a little over two years into the revolution, Mr. Bishop observed, “The real problem is that United States imperialism, the United States ruling class, has always wanted to rule the world, has always wanted to grab everybody’s land, has always wanted to grab everybody’s resources….they have had to shift their tactics, they have had to move to overt action, like the landing of marines, to covert action – like the development of economic, propaganda, and mercenary techniques of destabilization and aggression. To us these are the real problems.” (Anyone who doubts this should read “Family of Secrets: The Bush Dynasty, America’s Invisible Government and the Hidden History of the Last 50 years” by Russ Baker).
While it may be difficult to separate the economic from the historical and political dimensions of life, Mr. Bishop did have a lot to say about economics as well. He spoke about the All-American type of socialism: socialism for corporations as practiced abroad by the United States through the CIA. He says, “Our quarrel, therefore, is with the American establishment and all its various manifestations – whether it’s through the presidency, the National Security Council or the State Department or the CIA or the powerful business lobby or the powerful media or whatever. …And particularly insofar as that establishment seeks to support by violence the right of their transnational corporations to continue to exploit and rape our resources.” (July 15, 1980) These moves by the U.S. included blocking loans from the IMF and the World Bank trying to block efforts by Grenada to obtain financing from European countries. “They are forcing more and more Third World countries to go directly to the international capital market, to the big commercial banks, to get loans,” Mr. Bishop said in a June 13, 1983 speech, just months before his death. Of course this was a technique long practiced in the United States domestically by the FHA and VA blocking loans for African Americans and forcing them to take high interest private loans – if they could get them. (For more on this see “The Color of Law” by Richard Rothstein and “Beyond Banksters: Resisting the New Feudalism” by Joyce Nelson).
He also speaks of the economics of the region and Grenada’s efforts, “First of all, our revolution is an attempt to build a new socioeconomic development model . . . .It is an approach which reject some of the manifestly inadequate strategies which the ruling class in most of our sister islands are still clinging to, because these strategies are guaranteed to safeguard their own position and to yield nothing but the barest minimum of political power and material benefits to the majority of the people.”
Mr. Bishop, in a speech on the third anniversary of the revolution also gives a very practical lesson on the economic realities facing Grenadian agricultural workers. “A sister cracking nutmegs at a receiving station in Grenada receives a small wage of $7.10 a day and that sister would need to crack about 150 pounds of nutmegs in order to earn that $7 for the day. Those same nutmegs are sold to a broker – a middleman – and taken off to Europe. They are resold to a miller, cleaned, blended and packaged, and put on the shelves of European supermarkets….And when one of our sisters or brothers or aunties living in….London goes to buy a one-ounce carton of Grenada nutmeg, the price ….is about twenty pence or one of our dollars. One ounce for $1, but 150 pounds of cracking for $7….The real value of the nutmeg worker’s labor is 300 times what she receives in a day’s wage. That is what we mean by imperialism at work.”
Reading the last entry in the book was an emotional experience. I felt a profound sense of loss, knowing that a few months after that entry Mr. Bishop would be dead. In his final address published in this book he spoke directly to some of the criticisms levied at Grenada, “No revolution that does not have dislocation can be called a revolution. That is impossibility. When the British had their revolution in the 1650s, it took them 200 years to call their first election. When the Americans had their revolution in 1776, it took them thirteen years to call their election….Thousands were locked up without charge or trial….So when the falsifiers of history try to pretend that the American revolution was a Boston Tea Party – it was a very bloody tea party.” (June 13, 1983).
And so today, two of the principal characters surrounding the death of Maurice Bishop are still alive: Bernard Coard and General Hudson Austin. But Maurice Bishop is dead. What died with him? For the most part that is an unanswerable question, much like asking what would have happened had Malcolm X lived. But there are other questions too. What does it say about the United States, that they were so insecure about Grenada choosing its own path – a path that differed in distinct ways from other socialist and capitalist countries – that the United States had to destabilize this tiny country? At the time of his death, and the end of the revolution, Grenada was undertaking the drafting of a constitution – a document that was being built based on consultations with the general public. So what principles of democracy died with that document? Will we ever know? Does anyone know what had already been written? The Grenadians never had a chance to know what would have come out of that process.
Finally, what will happen in the world today? Is the multinational corporation still the almighty force to be reckoned with? When we hear the shouts of distress over the word socialism, will we still be blinded to the ultimate in socialism: use of an enormous military budget to finance corporate adventurism in independent nations? What happened in Grenada was foreshadowed by the U.S. behavior toward Haiti. Make no mistake; what really threatened the racist, white-supremacist regime was the fact that this independent nation setting the stage for its own development was comprised of the descendants of enslaved Africans. Can you imagine allowing them to set their own course and stand up to the United States – and to be able to communicate that to African Americans without the language barrier of the Cuban revolution?
“Maurice Bishop Speaks” is a collection of speeches and interviews with the late Prime Minister of Grenada, who was a pivotal leader in the Grenada Revolution which dated from March 13, 1979 through October 1983. From his words there is great insight to be gained with regards to the history as it unfolded, the political and economic perspectives of the speaker as a representative of his political party and the Grenada revolution. The nature of the book affected my approach to reading because there were aspects of the speeches which were not critical to me – and there were a number of repeated themes. It came to the point, occasionally where, once a paragraph started I would know where it was headed, so I admit I skimmed portions of the speeches. Even though I took that approach I was able to get a great deal from the book. I was impressed with Mr. Bishop’s capacity for sustained speeches which were organized and pointed.
From an historical perspective there were two paths that impacted me. One was a personal reminder of people and places in that era of the late 1970s and early 1980s. Mr. Bishop referenced contemporary political figures, conflicts and power struggles that were part of my life experience inasmuch as I read about them in the newspapers and saw them on nightly news. The other historical path was that of the brief history of the Grenada Revolution. While I need not relate that history here it was interesting to follow events that unfolded in the course of that history through the perspective of his speeches. One of the historical features that came out was the participation of Grenada in the Non-aligned Movement; an international organization whose members foreswore allying themselves with either of the two major nuclear powers: the U.S.S.R. and the U.S.A. In a July 12, 1981 interview, Mr. Bishop explained a special problem: “Later on, and still in the first three months, we discovered that the CIA had drawn up a three-pronged “pyramid plan,” made up of propaganda destabilization, economic sabotage and destabilization, and terrorist, counterrevolutionary, and assassination activities, to roll back the revolution.” So this laid out the outline of the events that transpired during the revolution, which must have eventually contributed to its end. Throughout the book, Mr. Bishop exposes each of these historical events as they occurred. Anyone who has read “Confessions of an Economic Hitman” by John Perkins would not be surprised by this nor would they doubt it. As an aside, I recommend that book strongly.
Concerning the history of education in Grenada (and other English-speaking colonies) he said:
“Perhaps the worst crime that colonialism left our country, has indeed left all former colonies, is the education system. This was so because the way in which that system developed, the way in which that system was used, was to teach our people an attitude of self-hate, to get us to abandon our history, our culture, our value. To get us to accept the principles of white superiority, to destroy our confidence, to stifle our creativity, to perpetuate in our society class privilege and class difference….It was meant to create the belief that social mobility was the most important factor to be had from education….It helped teach us the most negative attitudes and values that today we still see in certain sectors of our society. Attitudes of racist beliefs, racism, priorities, and chauvinist attitudes….” (July 2, 1979)
So throughout the book there were references to world history, regional history and Grenadian history. As a person who is interested in history I found this aspect of the speeches appealing.
Also, his references to historical situations in Grenada exposed some of the reasons why the general public was supportive of the New Jewel Movement party and its ouster of Erich Gairy. In July 1981, during an interview Mr. Bishop said about the pre-revolution conditions in health care, “The condition of the main hospital was quite alarming, and had increasingly come to be regarded as a department of La Qua’s Funeral Agency, where in fact you went to die, not to live: no bandages, no medicines, no pills of any sort; pregnant women having their children on the cold floor – really very awful conditions.” To overcome these and other disadvantages Mr. Bishop held the people in high esteem, “Our people are makers of history, not from a self-alienating viewpoint of imperialism, but from a point of view which affirms our right to self-determination, our proud spirit of resistance, our collective determination.” (October 15, 1981).
The political perspectives were, of course, deeply exposed in these speeches. One sees the tension between the dominant imperialist and colonial-minded political system which required total submission to its dictates and the political system being brought to life in Grenada. For instance, “But what we say to the reactionary elements in the USA, and we say clearly and it must be understood because we are serious, is that small as we are, and poor as we are, as a people and as a country we insist on the fundamental principles of legal equality, mutual respect for sovereignty, noninterference in our internal affairs, and the right to build our own process free from outside interference, free from intimidation, free from bullying, free from the use or threat of force.” But as we learn, the right to build one’s own processes would not be respected, because to allow this small island of 100,000 or so people to do so was a monumental threat to the ruling class in the United States. On July 13, 1981, a little over two years into the revolution, Mr. Bishop observed, “The real problem is that United States imperialism, the United States ruling class, has always wanted to rule the world, has always wanted to grab everybody’s land, has always wanted to grab everybody’s resources….they have had to shift their tactics, they have had to move to overt action, like the landing of marines, to covert action – like the development of economic, propaganda, and mercenary techniques of destabilization and aggression. To us these are the real problems.” (Anyone who doubts this should read “Family of Secrets: The Bush Dynasty, America’s Invisible Government and the Hidden History of the Last 50 years” by Russ Baker).
While it may be difficult to separate the economic from the historical and political dimensions of life, Mr. Bishop did have a lot to say about economics as well. He spoke about the All-American type of socialism: socialism for corporations as practiced abroad by the United States through the CIA. He says, “Our quarrel, therefore, is with the American establishment and all its various manifestations – whether it’s through the presidency, the National Security Council or the State Department or the CIA or the powerful business lobby or the powerful media or whatever. …And particularly insofar as that establishment seeks to support by violence the right of their transnational corporations to continue to exploit and rape our resources.” (July 15, 1980) These moves by the U.S. included blocking loans from the IMF and the World Bank trying to block efforts by Grenada to obtain financing from European countries. “They are forcing more and more Third World countries to go directly to the international capital market, to the big commercial banks, to get loans,” Mr. Bishop said in a June 13, 1983 speech, just months before his death. Of course this was a technique long practiced in the United States domestically by the FHA and VA blocking loans for African Americans and forcing them to take high interest private loans – if they could get them. (For more on this see “The Color of Law” by Richard Rothstein and “Beyond Banksters: Resisting the New Feudalism” by Joyce Nelson).
He also speaks of the economics of the region and Grenada’s efforts, “First of all, our revolution is an attempt to build a new socioeconomic development model . . . .It is an approach which reject some of the manifestly inadequate strategies which the ruling class in most of our sister islands are still clinging to, because these strategies are guaranteed to safeguard their own position and to yield nothing but the barest minimum of political power and material benefits to the majority of the people.”
Mr. Bishop, in a speech on the third anniversary of the revolution also gives a very practical lesson on the economic realities facing Grenadian agricultural workers. “A sister cracking nutmegs at a receiving station in Grenada receives a small wage of $7.10 a day and that sister would need to crack about 150 pounds of nutmegs in order to earn that $7 for the day. Those same nutmegs are sold to a broker – a middleman – and taken off to Europe. They are resold to a miller, cleaned, blended and packaged, and put on the shelves of European supermarkets….And when one of our sisters or brothers or aunties living in….London goes to buy a one-ounce carton of Grenada nutmeg, the price ….is about twenty pence or one of our dollars. One ounce for $1, but 150 pounds of cracking for $7….The real value of the nutmeg worker’s labor is 300 times what she receives in a day’s wage. That is what we mean by imperialism at work.”
Reading the last entry in the book was an emotional experience. I felt a profound sense of loss, knowing that a few months after that entry Mr. Bishop would be dead. In his final address published in this book he spoke directly to some of the criticisms levied at Grenada, “No revolution that does not have dislocation can be called a revolution. That is impossibility. When the British had their revolution in the 1650s, it took them 200 years to call their first election. When the Americans had their revolution in 1776, it took them thirteen years to call their election….Thousands were locked up without charge or trial….So when the falsifiers of history try to pretend that the American revolution was a Boston Tea Party – it was a very bloody tea party.” (June 13, 1983).
And so today, two of the principal characters surrounding the death of Maurice Bishop are still alive: Bernard Coard and General Hudson Austin. But Maurice Bishop is dead. What died with him? For the most part that is an unanswerable question, much like asking what would have happened had Malcolm X lived. But there are other questions too. What does it say about the United States, that they were so insecure about Grenada choosing its own path – a path that differed in distinct ways from other socialist and capitalist countries – that the United States had to destabilize this tiny country? At the time of his death, and the end of the revolution, Grenada was undertaking the drafting of a constitution – a document that was being built based on consultations with the general public. So what principles of democracy died with that document? Will we ever know? Does anyone know what had already been written? The Grenadians never had a chance to know what would have come out of that process.
Finally, what will happen in the world today? Is the multinational corporation still the almighty force to be reckoned with? When we hear the shouts of distress over the word socialism, will we still be blinded to the ultimate in socialism: use of an enormous military budget to finance corporate adventurism in independent nations? What happened in Grenada was foreshadowed by the U.S. behavior toward Haiti. Make no mistake; what really threatened the racist, white-supremacist regime was the fact that this independent nation setting the stage for its own development was comprised of the descendants of enslaved Africans. Can you imagine allowing them to set their own course and stand up to the United States – and to be able to communicate that to African Americans without the language barrier of the Cuban revolution?
February 25, 2025
Great book. You can start anywhere on his many selected speeches. The book does an excellent and thorough job detailing the life and death of Maurice Bishop and his contributions in Caribbean socialist history.
February 3, 2012
"Perhaps the worst crime that colonialism left our country, has indeed left all former colonies, is the education system. This was so because the way in which that system developed, the way in which that system was used, was to teach our people an attitude of self-hate, to get us to abandon our history, our culture, our values. To get us to accept the principles of white superiority, to destroy our confidence, to stifle our creativity, to perpetuate in our society class privilege and class difference.
The colonial masters recognized very early on that if you get a subject people to think like they do, to forget their own history and their own culture, to develop a system of education that is going to have relevance to our outward needs and be almost entirely irrelevant to our internal needs, then they have already won the job of keeping us in perpetual domination and exploitation. Our education process, therefore, was used mainly as a tool of the ruling elite." Maurice Bishop
Maurice Bishop was a visionary who, unfortunately, did not get the chance he needed to transform his society for the better and this book an invaluable aid to understanding the man and what he saw as his mission. Now, as the Caribbean is challenged by rising crime, environmental degradation, rising levels of chronic non-communicable diseases, we have great need of radical thinkers, unafraid to take the bold actions needed. In their absence, we should at least read this book and see what lessons we can learn.
The colonial masters recognized very early on that if you get a subject people to think like they do, to forget their own history and their own culture, to develop a system of education that is going to have relevance to our outward needs and be almost entirely irrelevant to our internal needs, then they have already won the job of keeping us in perpetual domination and exploitation. Our education process, therefore, was used mainly as a tool of the ruling elite." Maurice Bishop
Maurice Bishop was a visionary who, unfortunately, did not get the chance he needed to transform his society for the better and this book an invaluable aid to understanding the man and what he saw as his mission. Now, as the Caribbean is challenged by rising crime, environmental degradation, rising levels of chronic non-communicable diseases, we have great need of radical thinkers, unafraid to take the bold actions needed. In their absence, we should at least read this book and see what lessons we can learn.
June 23, 2024
For anyone who wants to learn about the “Revo”. This is one of many places to start.
The speeches here are testament to the boldness, bravery, and integrity of the Grenada Revolution and its people. The Revo, despite being somewhat short lived, improved the lives of many people. It brought dignity, healthcare, education, a sense of history, social and political consciousness to the people of Grenada. And, as Wendy Grenade states, the Revo brought other more intangible forms of development such as the unleashing of human creativity and potential, more free time, more open social relations. In short, the Revo started the process of bringing a new humanity onto the historical scene.
It is clear from these speeches that Bishop and the NJM were well versed in the annals of anticolonial writings, as Fanon’s spirit of democracy, of decentralisation, of internationalism as well as his warnings of the threat of the rampant bourgeoisie, of individualism, of political tribalism are always-already present within the speeches. Again, we hear Cabral’s notion of “tell no lies” to the people as a constant refrain of the Revo. The remarkable openness and honesty of Bishop is a testament to a truly democratic process. It is such a shame the way that the Revo collapsed and the text touches loosely on the demise of the Revo but for more on this it is better to look at Manning Marable’s text, African and Caribbean Politics: From Nkrumah to Bishop; David Austin’s, Omen’s of Adversity or Laurie Lambert’s more recent book, Sister Comrade.
Lastly, the set of speeches is perhaps the firmest example of internationalism in action that one could find. The Revo was staunch in its commitment to justice for all of humanity, for all oppressed peoples. There is much to be proud of in this extremely valuable history and we ought to resurrect many of the ideas and practices that the Revo committed itself to, as well as learning from the pitfalls of the Revo and the wider workings of the capitalist-imperialist world.
A truly worthwhile read.
The speeches here are testament to the boldness, bravery, and integrity of the Grenada Revolution and its people. The Revo, despite being somewhat short lived, improved the lives of many people. It brought dignity, healthcare, education, a sense of history, social and political consciousness to the people of Grenada. And, as Wendy Grenade states, the Revo brought other more intangible forms of development such as the unleashing of human creativity and potential, more free time, more open social relations. In short, the Revo started the process of bringing a new humanity onto the historical scene.
It is clear from these speeches that Bishop and the NJM were well versed in the annals of anticolonial writings, as Fanon’s spirit of democracy, of decentralisation, of internationalism as well as his warnings of the threat of the rampant bourgeoisie, of individualism, of political tribalism are always-already present within the speeches. Again, we hear Cabral’s notion of “tell no lies” to the people as a constant refrain of the Revo. The remarkable openness and honesty of Bishop is a testament to a truly democratic process. It is such a shame the way that the Revo collapsed and the text touches loosely on the demise of the Revo but for more on this it is better to look at Manning Marable’s text, African and Caribbean Politics: From Nkrumah to Bishop; David Austin’s, Omen’s of Adversity or Laurie Lambert’s more recent book, Sister Comrade.
Lastly, the set of speeches is perhaps the firmest example of internationalism in action that one could find. The Revo was staunch in its commitment to justice for all of humanity, for all oppressed peoples. There is much to be proud of in this extremely valuable history and we ought to resurrect many of the ideas and practices that the Revo committed itself to, as well as learning from the pitfalls of the Revo and the wider workings of the capitalist-imperialist world.
A truly worthwhile read.
February 1, 2025
I’m not usually a fan of speech complications as they’re usually repetitive and most speeches are a collection of superficial slogans given their purpose and time limitations. This collection of Maurice bishop’s speeches and interviews was fantastic- it was an accessible way to learn about the revolutionary situation in Grenada and their successes and challenges. Forever devastated at how unnecessary his assassination was and what a waste to have accomplished so much to ruin it all for personal glory and a subsequent US invasion. Viva Maurice bishop.
September 11, 2025
La patrie ou la mort, nous vaincrons!
June 12, 2025
I was at the meeting at Hunter College where Maurice Bishop spoke in defense of the Grenadian Revolution on June 5th, 1983. That's the highlight of this book, although it is all wonderful stuff. The book also contains the important statements by Cuba on the revolution's overturn. Fidel Castro had labelled the Bernard Coard faction "the Pol Pot group," but that didn't stop Ronald Reagan from claiming that Cuba was behind the overturn!
Steve Clark, a leader of the Socialist Workers Party, interviewed Bishop in Grenada, and later put together the only detailed, reliable account of what took place, "The Second Assassination of Maurice Bishop" (meaning Coard's slander campaign, which he is still running). You can find it in New International no 6: The Second Assassination of Maurice Bishop He also wrote the introduction to 'Maurice Bishop Speaks.' If you read these two books you will see how hollow Bernard Coard's claims are. He and his Stalinist faction, not US imperialism, overthrew the Grenada Revolution.
For "The Rise and Fall of the Nicaraguan Revolution," see 'New International no. 9.' For why none of this has happened in Cuba, I could give you at least a few dozen books to read, and perhaps will add them another time.
Steve Clark, a leader of the Socialist Workers Party, interviewed Bishop in Grenada, and later put together the only detailed, reliable account of what took place, "The Second Assassination of Maurice Bishop" (meaning Coard's slander campaign, which he is still running). You can find it in New International no 6: The Second Assassination of Maurice Bishop He also wrote the introduction to 'Maurice Bishop Speaks.' If you read these two books you will see how hollow Bernard Coard's claims are. He and his Stalinist faction, not US imperialism, overthrew the Grenada Revolution.
For "The Rise and Fall of the Nicaraguan Revolution," see 'New International no. 9.' For why none of this has happened in Cuba, I could give you at least a few dozen books to read, and perhaps will add them another time.
Displaying 1 - 7 of 7 reviews