The Second Amendment Primer: A Citizen's Guidebook to the History, Sources, and Authorities for the Constitutional Guarantee of the Right to Keep and Bear Arms, by Les Adams (1996, audiobook ~3.75 hrs). It’s one thing for the founders to believe people had a right to individual (as opposed to collective) self defense, whether as a matter of ancient philosophy, English Common Law, or even common sense, but that does not mean that the framers meant to enshrine such a right in the Constitution, which as we all know was a restriction on federal not state power. For at least 100 years the Bill of Rights did not apply to actions by the states. (That means for 100 years states could and did restrict fire arms to one extent or another with no one thinking their rights were being violated.) In that many of the colonies had in their respective constitutions one or another version of a right to bear arms (though as often as not, using the same or similar language with respect to militias), possibly the framers wanted to leave it up to the states. I find it especially odd that the author, a lawyer and gun user, himself did not believe in an unfettered right to bear arms until he was asked to write for the NRA. What a coincidence. The author provides way too much extraneous information that does not bear directly on what the framers wrote or thought, even suggesting that they did not specifically note a private right to bear arms because it was so obvious. And yet here we are. It’s worth noting that a high percentage of the historical examples he gives to support an individual right explicitly mention militias or other collective armed forces needed to protect communities/nations. Additionally, in many instances weapons were regulated as to type, and who among the populace could keep them—certainly not everybody all the time. (Once supposedly pertinent right to arms in England has the language “[t]hat the Subjects which are Protestants may have Arms for their Defence suitable to their Conditions, and as allowed by Law.” That’s certainly not an unrestricted right.) One commentator on the English Bill of Rights that the author references in support of Americans’ rights wrote, “Article VII is properly regarded not as a gun-rights law, but as a gun-control measure. It gives no right to all Protestants to possess guns; it gives that right to upper-class Protestants. In effect, it armed a small minority—perhaps no more than three percent—of the population. This, I submit, was the original meaning of Article VII.”
Am quite disappointed in this author’s analysis and conclusions, which he believes is definitive.