Very interesting reading. Good book.
The way J. Nagl organizes the book makes it difficult to follow, it seems repetitive at points, and his work is ethnocentric (i.e. he compares size of territories to U.S. states). His main argument, that “the British army was a learning institution and the American army was not” (xxii), is wrongly expressed; Both armies learnt from their experiences, the Brits and American drew different conclusions out of them, and reacted in different ways, but both learned from those practices.
The Lawrence of Arabia’s metaphor used to name his work is almost perfect, but his analysis does not conclude that there are different soups... culture is one of the central topics in this book, and as the author underlines the consequences of it in COIN operations, he could have explained each one of culture’s elements, even better, he could have identified the significant ones with COIN actions (language, technologies, values, religion, education, history, military environment, regime, etc.) and their particular impacts in these two conflicts. Then, the points of his argument are based on certain case studies, however, the same ones are repeated throughout this book. He offers his personal opinions repeatedly (i. e. why and how the U.S. intervention in Vietnam was winnable).
Regarding the influence of organizational culture, the two chosen cases (Malaya 1948-60, Vietnam 1961-75) are constrained to a sub-Asian, regional, time-framed (post WWII), colonial history, determined one, which makes the case hardly applicable to a universal context (xxii). Grand conclusions cannot derive from a case or two if the author fails to justify that those are typical; Certainly, the case here.
Then, his triple understanding that the British had a broad view of the conflict, that they acted as a police force, more than an army, and that they integrated a social, political and military solution, whilst the Americans approached from a conventional perspective of war, always engaging the enemy with firepower, is extreme; The Brits engaged in conventional military operations (mostly at the beginning of the Malayan conflict) and the Americans tried social and political actions in Vietnam. He could have compared the Brits versus the Brits, in such previous and post conflicts as Palestine, Cyprus or even Northern-Ireland in which cases, his argument would be invalidated. During the last-mentioned conflict (speaking of organizational culture), the Brits were facing a same language enemy (language as identity), close to their supply bases, command, etc. The implied territory was minuscule in comparison. It took them around 20 years to stop the insurgents over there.
Nagl acknowledges that “the two conflicts were very different in scale, geography, and
level of external support provided to the insurgents” (xxv), however he doesn’t take into
consideration that the Brits counted on years and years of experience in Malaya, the Americans, none in Vietnam, that means much more previous experience/learning that precedes the study case time frame. Also, another key difference that makes the two cases hardly comparable: Malaya was surrounded by pro-Western countries at the time (Thailand), Vietnam was not, and this was not a small factor in U.S. defeat in that country; this key point has nothing to do with organizational learning culture, but was determinant in that the conflict was concentrated within borders; not so Vietnam.
Also, it took over 10 years to the Brits to defeat the insurgents, so their victory was not
that clear for years. Another remarkable difference that he does not implicate is the ratio
superiority of the Brits versus the Americans in their areas of conflict (28 to 1 and 1.6 to 1,
respectively). Even when circumstances were different, this kind of a ratio could by itself, have made a great difference without considering the organizational learning element.
The author recognizes that General C. Abrams created a COIN operative by “developing
new courses of action to be taken in South Vietnam by the United States and its allies, which will, with current actions, changed as necessary, lead in due time to successful accomplishment of U.S. aims and objectives.” (159), but then he downplays it. Other, several important outcomes happened under Abrams’ command, but Nagl doesn’t consider them. One example is the third phase of the Tet Offensive in which the Viet Cong was stopped.
A major flaw in this work is that Nagl doesn’t consider in his method the difference of
surrounding circumstances for the two conflicts; The Americans were also fighting a regular army (the North Vietnamese), the British were not. The effect of mass media (TV notably) on the development of the Vietnam war, which led to opposition from a significant sector of the
American public. The Brits were supported by half of the population of Malaya. The Americans did not get this kind of support, on the contrary, as the conflict moved on, they were losing it.
During the Vietnam war, logistics were of strategic importance (particularly the Ho Chi Minh
trial); Not so in the Malayan one. In Vietnam Soviet implication was overwhelming.
Towards the end, Nagl affirms that “the demands of conventional and unconventional
warfare differ so greatly that an organization optimized to succeed in one will have great difficulty in fighting the other” (219), however he doesn’t provide with an analysis to sustain such affirmation, and in fact, it would depend on the organizational culture of the armed forces in question. Nagl sustains that the Americans lost in Vietnam because of their “inability to learn” (221), however, the facts of the war show that they learned, what (mainly) they didn’t do correctly (at some points) was to get ahead of events impossible to predict and/or adapt to the ever evolving circumstances.
Another idea that he doesn’t explain is how “the very attributes that allowed the British
Army to respond to the demands of counterinsurgency in Malaya [...] made it a less effective
learning organization on the conventional battlegrounds of World War II” (219).
Finally, the author has some dates wrong; i.e. “...nor the Mexican-American War of 1849”
(45); The Mexican-American conflict was the consequence of the 1845 U.S. annexation of Texas, also a conflict on the treaties of Velasco, signed by A. López de Santa Ana; the war went from April 1846 to May 1848 (treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo). No war in 1849.