"The Wall Between is a chilling depiction of a pattern repeated over and over again across the South as brave Blacks and whites tried to breach the barrier between the races. . . . We need to know Anne Braden's story, perhaps even more in 1999 than when she wrote it in 1957." —from the foreword by Julian Bond
In 1954, Anne and Carl Braden bought a house in an all-white neighborhood in Louisville, Kentucky, on behalf of a black couple, Andrew and Charlotte Wade. The Wall Between is Anne Braden's account of what resulted from this act of friendship: mob violence against the Wades, the bombing of the house, and imprisonment for her husband on charges of sedition.
A nonfiction finalist for the 1958 National Book Award, The Wall Between is one of only a few first-person accounts from civil rights movement activists—even rarer for its author being white. Offering an insider's view of movement history, it is as readable for its drama as for its sociological importance. It contains no heroes or villains, according to Braden—only people urged on by forces of history that they often did not understand.
In an epilogue written for this edition, the author traces the lives of the Bradens and Wades subsequent to events in the original book and reports on her and her husband's continuing activities in the Civil Rights movement, including reminiscences of their friendship with Martin Luther King. Looking back on that history, she warns readers that the entire nation still must do what white Southerners did in the 1950s to ensure equal rights: turn its values, assumptions, and policies upside down.
In his foreword to this edition, Julian Bond reflects on the significance of the events Anne describes and the importance of the work the Bradens and others like them undertook. What's missing today, he observes, is not Wades who want a home but Bradens who will help them fight for one. Anne and Carl Braden showed that integrated groups fight best for an integrated world, and The Wall Between is a lasting testament to that dedication.
The Author: Ann Braden was born in Louisville, Kentucky, and worked as a newspaper reporter and a public relations agent for trade unions. She served as a delegate to the 1984 and 1988 Democratic National Conventions and has been a visiting professor at Northern Kentucky University, where she teaches civil rights history. She continues to work with the Kentucky Alliance against Racial and Political Repression.
[Gene: edit for book cover by deleting last sentences of second and third paragraphs, last two of fourth. The Bond foreword isn't exactly bristling with quotes. The only drawback to the one I selected is that the reference to 1999 might tend to date the book if you use it on the back cover. Do you think you could legitimately edit it to read "even more today"?]
Anne McCarty Braden (July 28, 1924 – March 6, 2006) was an American advocate of racial equality. Born in Louisville, Kentucky, and raised in rigidly segregated Anniston, Alabama, Braden grew up in a white middle-class family that accepted southern racial mores wholeheartedly. A devout Episcopalian, Braden was bothered by racial segregation, but never questioned it until her college years at Randolph-Macon Woman's College in Virginia. After working on newspapers in Anniston and Birmingham, Alabama, she returned to Kentucky as a young adult to write for the Louisville Times. There, in 1948, she met and married fellow newspaperman Carl Braden, a left-wing trade unionist. She became a supporter of the civil rights movement at a time when it was unpopular among southern whites.
"It can be pointed out that living in a neighborhood where all of the people are pretty much alike can be a deadening thing- that a few families of different nationalities and races might broaden everyone's viewpoint and make life much more interesting, to say nothing of being in line with the real American ideal of equality and democracy. It can be argued that people who live among people exactly like themselves cannot be truly the best citizens, since an important part of good citizenship is the ability to understand and work with people of diverse groups. And there is the point that a neighborhood based on racial exclusiveness is not really a desirable place to rear children if it nourishes prejudice and snobbery rather than respect for one's fellow man. But these are intangible arguments, as the myth itself is intangible. Their acceptance or rejection depends on the life experience of the one who hears. And if nothing in your experience had ever opened up these channels of thought, if you had heard always that people are happier and better off if they are divided, if you had learned this as one of the basic principles of your profession, you would be quite likely to abide by it and consider it a bulwark of a stable society. You could defend it without feeling at all that you were harming your fellow man. And being solidly convinced that your general approach was to the best interest of society and for the welfare of all, you could accept the money-making possibilities inherent in the situation as a natural piece of good fortune and without any conscience-pricking thought that you might be hurting others in your pursuit of profit. You could do this, that is, until it was called sharply to your attention or until you had to look at one of your victims at close range and see him as a human being."
"Consequently, the few white people who did come actively to the support of the Wades were isolated from the beginning. There were a zealous few who did come, who devoted that summer of 1954 to the situation on Rone Court. They came with a certain sense of dedication- each one perhaps moved under some compulsive drive, not too different basically from the compulsion which had demanded of Carl and me that we buy the house int he first place, each one with an overpowering, emotional demand within himself that he defy segregation. The situation on Rone Court had presented a challenge, a challenge that seemed to them a test as to whether they really believed what they said they believed; they like us could not refuse to act. But inevitably, perhaps, they were also already to some extent marked in the community as people who were "different" and sort of radical. For the most part they could act only as individuals and had little or no organizational backing from large and influential groups. Some of them had, as we did, past associations with organizations easily labeled as "left wing"; this gave the segregationists a powerful weapon to use against them in the attacks that came later."
"There was another and perhaps more subtle reason for the panic. Believing that segregation was wrong, the officials of the Courier had built for themselves a world within the bounds of which they could oppose it. They acted on conscience generally, and they moved steadily, if slowly, in the direction they thought was right. But the situation was always firmly under their control. When they decided the community was ready for a step forward, they planned it carefully and the step was taken. When they decided the time was not ripe for change, the status- if they could arrange it- remained quo. But with the independent action of the Wades and us, new forces beyond their control were suddenly hurled into their ordered world. The determination of Wade to claim his rights when he wanted them and not when the Courier Journal decided it was wise, and the determination of Carl and me to act when Wade asked it and not when the Courier approved it, brought them face to face with forces they did not understand and could not fit into their scheme of things. Their situation was like that of many white liberals all over the South today- honest men and women who for two or three decades have been opposing segregation and discrimination in a setting in which they were in the driver's seat and their foot was on the accelerator. Now many of these men and women, confronted with the startling factor of a united Negro people moving ahead on their own and setting their own timetable, are suddenly recoiling from the final steps toward the desegregation they have been advocating all their lives. I do not think this reaction indicates that these people were not sincere in all the years they worked against segregation or that they do not still believe in the same principles today. But they are shocked by a new factor that is beyond their control- as the Courier was shocked- and afraid that progress which is going too fast for them to control will present problems and challenges too great for them. And the Courier officials- not unlike James Rone, although for different reasons and on a different level- reacted with the fright which seizes most men when confronted with something new and strange."
This book is really dated, and not very well written. While I admire Anne Braden's actions, her writing is tedious and jumps jarringly from event to event and time to time. Besides, 306 pages devoted to the events of a couple of years is a bit much for me, as I'm not really a big history buff. This book is an important historical document, but not a memoir to read for pleasure.
Autobiography of a courageous woman, who stood up for what is right. I'm proud she from Louisville and how she worked to change our city for the better.
This is an interesting true story. I read it to get a better understanding of the history of racism in Louisville. It did that and it tells its tale. However, It suffers from the failings of first person history. The writing is not terrible, but not great. It rambles more than a bit. The context if the events as explained by the author are a time capsule of opinions from the 1950s. Interesting as a primary source, but not wonderful as a story.
This is an incredible true story that stills ring true today. It shows the dark side of racism, how the legal system can be used against innocent people, and how the fear of communism can be pulled into the courtroom even when communism was never a part of the issues. Still relevant in the United States in 2025!
A non-fiction account of acts of racial aggression that occurred in the 50's Louisville, Ky. A first hand account from a person involved directly. The book was well written but twice as long as it should have been. A rare glimpse into that era.
At times it reads more like a thriller than a memoir. An informative and insightful first hand account on the psychology of human prejudice and what can be done to be victorious in the fight against it.
In 1954 Anne Braden and her husband Carl (who were white) bought a house for a black family who were being denied buying a home in the all white Louisville suburb of Shively, KY. For the next two years the Wades faced all sorts of violent attempts to remove them from their home, while the Bradens were put on trial for sedition and attempts to overthrow the government of KY. In this book Anne Braden recounts the events of those two years. Despite being labeled a Communist, and branded a traitor, Braden writes with an amazing empathy and insight for her white supremacist adversaries. She not only relates the details of those events but she provides a helpful insight into the psychology of white racism. While the events described are nearly 60 years old, the insights she has into the manifold ways white people deny, rationalize and justify their racist actions are still relevant. Braden is an excellent writer and a keen insight into the social and psychological dynamics of social change.
A compelling story told by a newspaper copy editor. But, dang it, it was pretty boring. Could have been a good coverage of a time we need to remember in half the pages. With better writing, it could have been a commentary on the struggle of the people in the story to manage the conflict between prevailing community mores and the changing times.