Brekus’s work Strangers & Pilgrims attempts to fill a gap in the literature by providing a social and cultural history of female preachers in early America who were not part of “radical sects” such as the Society of Friends and the Shakers. She suggests that this gap is the result of female preachers being deliberately left out of histories because they are too “radical” for later evangelical groups who have an increasing investment in domestic, middle class values, but too “conservative” for liberal feminist reformers who believe that these female preachers’ “biblical” feminism, with its disinterest in political, legal, or economic equality with men, has little social value.
Brekus analyzes the stories of 123 preaching women between 1740 and 1845, and the majority of her materials are memoirs and other print sources. She traces the history of female preachers from the transatlantic revivals of the late 1700s to the American Revolution, and then from the Second Great Awakening through the economic changes of the “market revolution” and the “Great Disappointment” of the Millerites in the early 1840s. She finds “overwhelming evidence” that women preached in “unprecedented numbers” that wouldn’t be reached again until the 20th century, and finds that the majority of female preachers are lower-class, uneducated women affiliated with dissenter groups (especially Methodists, African Methodists, Freewill Baptists, and the Christian Connection) in which women were very active and which were experiencing a shortage of male preachers. As these groups became more mainstream, there was a corresponding backlash against female preachers as they try to self-consciously align with middle class, domestic sensibilities which devalued women’s public leadership and espoused a genteel femininity to which many female preachers failed to conform.
Brekus’ central claim is that this “lost” history of female preaching is valuable because it offers a new perspective on the long-standing historical debate of whether the Second Great Awakening is a democratizing force – she argues that it is, in the limited sense that it gives white women, black women, and black men a way to have their voices heard in public, even when they do not have political rights. Exploring this history is also valuable because it provides context for examining how gender relations in early America morph from a “one-sex” model (in which women are understood as “incomplete” men) to a “two-sex” model (in which women and men are understood as distinct and different beings) between the 17th to the 19th centuries, as well as how women use gender to make sense of their religious experiences and justify their preaching activities.
Finally, Brekus thinks that it’s important that we recognize that the history of female preaching in America is characterized by “discontinuity and reinvention” rather than “upward progress” (339). I agree that this is a valuable shift in perspective because it shifts the narrative of female preaching in the United States from one that is primarily associated with mainstream, upper-middle class, “liberal” Christian denominations (and thus carries implications of 20th century progressive inevitability) to one that does not allow us to tell a story that so simply draws lines between liberal Christian groups and evangelicals as their backwards, anti-woman counterparts. Instead, Brekus focuses our attention on the religious beliefs of these evangelical feminists, encouraging us to think about what motivated them as female preachers and how they negotiated power within their various evangelical communities. There are possibilities for more future research in this vein that focuses on women in the South and West during the pre-Revolutionary War period through the Civil War, as well as similar research on women’s leadership in conservative evangelical groups in the postbellum period through the 20th century.