The numbers are still shocking. Between the outbreak of WWII in September 1939 and the day of the German attack in June 1941, the USSR increased the theoretical size of its Red Army from 1.5 million to 5.4 million men, having little doubt that war was coming. But in the three months after Operation Barbarossa, the Red Army lost 2.8 million men, and in six months it would lose 4.3 million. Dead, wounded and missing, to be sure; but for Red Army soldiers, becoming a prisoner of war was a virtual death sentence.
Glantz explored the archives to better understand the causes of a defeat of this magnitude. His book is filled with numbers, statistics, lists, tables, and it is more than a little dry. But it reveals that a major cause of the defeat was this rapid expansion itself, and the failure of the Soviet economy to support it: There were not enough weapons for all these soldiers, and not even enough uniforms; there was not enough ammunition and not enough food. The support and transport services were not up to the task of supplying this huge force, and failed to bring supplies and materiel to the front. Of the 16,000 modern tanks that this reformed army would require, some 90% still had to be built. Units that had equipment were often forced to leave part of it behind because they had no transport. Most had to make do with much less than half of their equipment, and the reserves that were hastily called up to stem the tide were even less fortunate.
A disastrous situation was worsened by a lack of leadership and training. Stalin's purges in the pre-war period had cost the Red Army about 50,000 officers, including 80% to 90% of the senior commanders at army, corps and division level. The combination of this indiscriminate slaughter with a rapid expansion of the army left inexperienced and poorly trained officers in charge almost everywhere. The soldiers were often no better trained, and some units that were equipped with modern tanks lost half or more of them on the march, because the drivers had received only a few hours of training and could not operate them properly. As repair and recovery services were lacking too, these accidental losses frequently became definitive.
Between all the statistics, information about the consequences "on the ground" is scarce. Glantz briefly tells the story of a unit equipped with heavy, modern KV tanks: As they had no ammunition, they proceeded to ram the lighter German tanks. They had some success with this until they ran out of fuel as well, and then enemy sappers blew up the immobilised giants one by one. However, as Glantz admits, information on the Soviet soldier as an individual is scarce in the archives. So one has to make do with reports from commanding officers, such as Major General Ermakov, who soberly commented that the situation of his 2nd Rifle Corps was "rather difficult" because it had (a) no ammunition, (b) no fuel, (c) no food, (d) no transport (...), (e) no communications (...), (f) no hospitals. And all this while the German army was rapidly advancing on his position.
In between the remorseless statistics is some interesting information on how this army was organised (or attempted to be organised) with attention for the changes introduced after observing the German victories in 1939 and 1940. Changes in leadership resulted in structural reforms as well as force expansion, with renewed thinking about the use of tanks, artillery and aircraft. Glantz doesn't mention it, but German forces in 1941 were often surprised by the tactical initiative and skill shown by their opponent, even if it was completely irrelevant in the bigger picture. One does get the strong impression, however, that all this focus on the newest weaponry resulted in a fatal neglect of the army's logistics and rear services.
It makes for grim reading. But with all its reports, tables and statistics, it is not very engaging. Glantz does make an effort to establish responsibility and points the finger squarely at the Communist party and Stalin. The latter's refusal in June 1941 to believe entire mountain ranges of evidence that pointed to imminent war, seems to less inspired by "acute paranoia", as Glantz call it, than by desperate wishful thinking to avoid responsibility for a looming disaster.
Glantz does conclude that in the end, the Soviet Union's ability to mobilise huge forces and to continue to mobilise huge forces was decisive. The Third Reich expected to defeat the USSR in a few months (which is why it neglected to winter-proof most of its army) and indeed in those few months it did manage to wipe out virtually the entire Red Army as it had existed in the western sector. But it failed to anticipate the ability of the USSR to create another army, an even bigger one, to fight on.