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The Death of Anglo Saxon England
The author traces the events and cultural, political and dynastic background that led to the downfall of the Anglo-Saxon rulers during the 100 years leading up to the Norman conquest. The core of the book discusses the reign of Edward the Confessor, suggesting that his philo-Norman policies were little to the taste of the Anglo-Scandinavian aristocracy over whom he prevailed, and that Edward himself was largely responsible for the succession crisis of 1066.
Paperback
First published December 1, 1997
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About the author
Nicholas J. Higham
33 books25 followersLibrarian note: There are other authors with the same name.
Dr. Nicholas John Higham, aka N.J. Higham, is Professor in Early Medieval and Landscape History in the History Subject Area in the School of Arts, Histories and Cultures at the University of Manchester. His research interests focus on two interrelated areas: the History and Archaeology of the Early Middle Ages in Britain, and the Landscape and Settlement History of North West and North England in the Middle Ages. He has supervised many successful research students in both areas and is always interested in enquiries concerning future research.
Dr. Nicholas John Higham, aka N.J. Higham, is Professor in Early Medieval and Landscape History in the History Subject Area in the School of Arts, Histories and Cultures at the University of Manchester. His research interests focus on two interrelated areas: the History and Archaeology of the Early Middle Ages in Britain, and the Landscape and Settlement History of North West and North England in the Middle Ages. He has supervised many successful research students in both areas and is always interested in enquiries concerning future research.
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Displaying 1 - 5 of 5 reviews
January 14, 2023
Section 1 is EXCELLENT – Analysis of Edward the Elder through Aethelred in great detail about factional politics and a very deep dive proving, during Aethelred at least, the king had lost control of his government to internal backstabbing that undermined the safety of his kingdom. Sections 2 Cnut and 3 Edward are weak.
Section 4 Harold is quite good: Author postulates the Northumbian crisis is when Harold sacrificed both the King’s known wishes and his own brother’s earlship as the price of gaining the following of the House of Leofric, and thus the power base needed to be King. Includes a nice section on Tostig’s potential thinking and a description why the battle of Gate Fulford happened (IE, the Northumbria Earls maybe didn’t trust King Harold to negotiate with his brother)
Overall thesis according to introduction: Succession issues, Factional politics and growing difficulty in retaining control of government explain Norman Conquest. “That foreign dynasties contested the English throne in the 11th century is one way in which the history of the late Anglo-Saxon state differed fundamentally from that of the England of Alfred’s sons and Grandsons. One important task of this volume will be to identify the root cause of this change, which it will be argued had more to do with the factional politics of Aethelred’s England than naked, external aggression."
Therefore: Aethelred’s reign terminated in a long, drawn out succession crisis which resulted in a dynastic revolution, and the separation of the native dynasty from the power in England. Collectively, the circumstances in which Aethelred’s reign ended did much to undermine the hereto immutable bonds securing the kingship of the English to Cerdric line, and encourage powerful figures at home and abroad to imagine that they could exert sufficient pressure to divert the throne away from the royal house, to themselves, perhaps, or to their own advantage. These were important precedents, about which the generation of Harold Godwinson seemed to have thought deeply. Pg. 71
Thus, lessons learned by Edward and Harold during Aethelred’s reign had real significance during the succession crisis of 1066: (1) murdering siblings an effective means for “other” sons to gain the crown; (2) King’s known succession wishes overruled by powerful court factions; (3) internal conflicts allowed invaders to take crown; (4) Abhorrence of civil war above everything
Section 1:
Author proposes that King planned to skip elder 3 (living) sons and that Edward would be heir to the throne – Further (** somewhat controversially **) proposes that Eadric agreed to this and thus was willing to help the king get rid of everyone against this plan of succession. Moreover, this gives Eadric an additional motive (aside from just immediate greed) to killing people: he also expected his family to be rewarded in the future when Edward was crowned. From Eadric’s perspective, political gain factional politics always took precedence over the Danish threat – he dominated the court but showed little desire (and no ability) to protect English land. Author points out almost appears that Aethelred and Eadric believed fighting the Danes was not in their best interests.
The Battle of Ringmere in 1010, then, is a determination of a group of previously important court faction, now excluded by the Aethelred’s court, challenging the Danes in battle to also challenge Eadric and his faction (who are refusing to fight for whatever reason.) Had they won, Author believes they may have been able to push the (militarily passive) Eadric from power. Instead, all defenses broke down. Once Aethelred took Danish Throkall as a mercenary much of England - who had already experienced his ravishing – had great reason to cower. At this point English resistance to Danes basically ends.
The Gainsborough accord of 1013: Leadership of East Anglia, eastern Mercia, and Nurthumbria (Athelstans’ power base?) submit without fighting to Danish Swein. [But, just who was this alliance of Danes and English regions planning to place on the throne? ]
“The agreement reached in Gainsborough represents a major indictment by a large section of the English community outside Wessex of Aethelred’s regime to the point where they were prepared to transfer their allegiance to a Danish candidate for the throne” (pg 37) and “In 1013 therefore those who accepted Swein were actively withdrawing their obedience from a long-established monarch under whom all had previously served and who had appointed many of them to their current posts.” (P 39) and ”It is reasonable to say that the Gainsborough Accord was struck between a group of regional rulers of whom the prince had previously been the unofficial leader and a Danish warload who had no other claim but military might to the English Throne.” (pg. 58)
Author seems to believe eldest son Athelstand was in open rebellion against his father and aligned with excluded court factions along and Danish invaders – but then why is he not fighting harder when Swein in crowned?
Section 2: very brief. King Cnut the Great
In Section 3:. Edward the Confessor
Believes the return of Godwin from exile effectively ends Edward royal control of his own regime. Shows Edward to be a passive king, only interested in Hunting and Religion, and working with the Godwinsons, but actually having no power.
Does not believe that William ever had time to make a trip to England, BUT makes the claim that “In retrospect, therefore, it is likely that Edward sent hostages whom he had received from Godwin to William and made him some sort of promise concerning the English accent succession” (pg. 135) This was made to help keep Godwin (in exile) in check. “Edward was, therefore, probably attempting to reconstruct the sort of strategic alliance which his father had long since sought with Normandy by marriage, in the hope that the Duke might be persuaded to throw his own military might into the scales against the King's enemies." (pg 136) Note that this paragraph places Edward as the supplicant, while other historians place William as the supplicant wanting Edward’s help. [toss up: I don’t know which I believe.]
Section 4: Harold / Tostig
Author points out the extremely dangerous position Harold was in : “Harold’s power and influence as premier earl in England was threatened by the imminent prospect of Edward’s death, and the person of his successor was a matter of profound importance to himself. Indeed, his very survival was likely to depend upon supporting the successful candidate before the event.” Pg 161
Therefore his decision join the contenders for the crown is a rational decision to save his own skin, but perhaps a little self serving, especially if there is a chance that his brother Tostig could also be considered- and with the queen’s backing may even be a stronger contender.
Also an excellent write up of Tostig’s goals – Initially, at least, did he really want to be king, or was he just hoping to be annoying enough to regain a place of power in the court? (just like his own family regained power in 1052) When he failed to force his way back into power – as a landless man now reliant totally on the goodwill of his brother-in-law his only course of action may have been a full invasion.
Author further believes that Edward clearly nominated Harold as his successor, even over the nomination of his great-nephew, Edgar Aetheling of the house of Cerdic. The relationship between royal blood and kingship is destroyed.
Interesting Qutes: to keep track of where ‘why I believe what I believe” comes from:
Mercia breaking free of King’s full Control: In some senses Edgar’s [959-975] recognition of such paramount regional rules represents the resurrection of what look suspiciously like the principal kingdoms of Pre-Viking England … Edgar certainly underlines a tendency throughout the late Anglo-Saxon period for kings to allow what amounts to succession to such posts to favoured, or very powerful families. … If this is a fair comment then it marks a significant break with the efforts of Alfred, his son and grandsons to integrate Mercia particularly, into a single enlarged English states and suggests the Edgars’s policies had more in common with those of contemporary Frankia – where substantial counties were becoming ever more independent of the crown. This was, therefore, a period which witnessed some resurrection of regional identity … pg 5
Christmas Council, 1006: Aethelred took council with that group of men who had now become his principal henchman – Eadric and his kinsmen … really marks the beginning of Aethelred’s plunge into the factional politics in which his regime finally perished. Pg 47
Aelfhelf and his sons had been liquidated in 1006, but other noble English families retain strong links to prince Athelstan, and arguably oppose the kings policy on succession. They took this opportunity, therefore, to move against the family of principal stance, only documented ups associate with substantial estates on the south east coast Ultraman Erdrich’s brother, accused “Prince” Wulfnof, Godwin’s father to the king. Page 50
Prince Athelstand had, therefore, retained strong links with various regionally powerful kindreds whom Aethelred elected to exclude from Central government from 1006 Onwards. In particular, he was associated with the family and associated of the murdered Aelfhelm in the north-east Midlands, and the associates of the Half-king’s family in asst Anglia and the south-east Midlands, and thus ranged himself in opposition to Eadric Streona and his ambitions in easter Mercia and East Anglia. Behind Eadric stood Aethelred and his ambitions concerning the succession. Pg 57
The Gaisnsbourgh accord: “With the court back in a confident mood in the summer of 10/12 comic Edrick acknowledged as the premier Earl and the regime backed by Thorkell and his soldiers. Both Edward, and his brother were bought to court, and Ethelred was in a position to pursue his own policies regarding the succession it was the alliance of Ethelred Edrick, the greedy and circle, which had the capacity to throw prince Athelstan and his associates into the arms of swine and his Danish forces, and that is what seems to have occurred. Page 58
June 2015 Athelstan’s will: “The will itself reads as a document of some political significance. What is reveals is the association of the elder sons of Aethelred by his first marriage with the senior, wealthy and influential lay figures within eastern Mercia, East Anglia, perhaps Yorkshire and certainly Sussex. These are figures who had little influence inside Aethelred’s regime after about 106 but who may well have grouped themselves around Athelstand as the senior aetheling in expectation of his eventual succession. In the meantime, the king’s eldest son could offer them some protection from the avaricious royal favorite, Eadric Streona, and a regime which already demonstrated a degree of ruthlessness in ridding itself of potential opponents.” Pg. 43
There is a circularity, therefore, to the entire conflict which implies that the ostensibly unpatriotic behavior of certain sections of the English elite was largely a consequence of Aethelred's willingness to sanction brutal and extra-legal means by which to rid himself of those whom he considered opponents of his own policies. A central issue appears to have been a succession of Aethelred's crown and the primary conflict seems to have been within the English royal dynasty itself, with king Aethelred heading a government which was intent on placing his eldest son by Emma on the throne as his heir. That those who filled Eadric's greed should seek the protection of Prince Athelstan was entirely natural at a time when AEthelred had lost credibility as an impartial judge to any matter relating to his favorite ealdorman. Thorkell’s employment by the court in 1012 necessitated that those who feared the King's anger likewise seek Danish protection and open the door to recognition of Swein as king. Pg. 61
[Concerning the major earls in Cnut’s reign ] ” In Important respects, therefore, these grand Earls occupied positions which were comparatively fragile, and each depended heavily on the goodwill of the king of the day. Few of their estates were family lands, and only the continuing support of the crown could ensure that each retained would he already had, maintained his position at the head of a swollen affinity, and obtained opportunities to further reinforce that position.” Pg 106
“But the delay of nine months between Edward succession and his crowning may perhaps have been for other reasons as well it seems likely that Edward had first to reconcile Godwin and the other leading magnates to his kingship and reassure them that their interest, and the Anglo Danish political system over which they presided, were safe under a king whose natural instinct it was to resent his Viking predecessors and all their deeds.” Pg 117
Re Wales campaign in 1056: “There are important lessons they're in for the balance of power between king and Earl. Harold was increasingly the chief executive of the regime, dominant in its councils and the Earl of its richest and most populous territories, but he was very careful to portray himself as operating with, and on behalf of, the authority of the king and to cloak his own ambitions - whatever those were at this stage - under the guise of a loyal operative carrying out the collective decisions of Edwards council which had been endorsed by the king himself.” Pg 141
Harold did, however, use the opportunity when it presented itself to strengthen his own candidacy for succession. He avoided the opprobrium which would have been his had he attempted to put down the rebellion by armed force, and all the venom which would have let loose in the Midlands and the north. Instead, he sacrificed his brother's interest in Northumbria as the price of his own reconciliation with the House of Leofric, obtaining the support of two brothers as a replacement for the one brother whose objectives may have been far from compatible with his own. Pg 166
Only Harold’s uncompromising support could give Edgar’s candidacy a reasonable prospect of success, and that was unavailable once Harold had emerged as a candidate for the succession. Pg. 172
Despite all the bloodshed of 1066, therefore, there were precedents which will have encouraged those sections of the English leadership which had not committed themselves against William at Hastings to anticipate they might find him a man with whom they could do business once he had been enthroned when the dust had settled. William’s continental following clearly had other ideas, and it was largely their demands for power and wealth that began and then characterized the revolution of the next few years, and which witnessed the alienation then near annihilation and almost total replacement of the upper echelons of English society pg 224
That eventual outcome was not, however, entirely predictable among those who enthroned William in 1066 indeed, William was crowned in order to bring an end to a period of severe dislocation and disturbance which threatened each and every member of the propertied pg 224
Section 4 Harold is quite good: Author postulates the Northumbian crisis is when Harold sacrificed both the King’s known wishes and his own brother’s earlship as the price of gaining the following of the House of Leofric, and thus the power base needed to be King. Includes a nice section on Tostig’s potential thinking and a description why the battle of Gate Fulford happened (IE, the Northumbria Earls maybe didn’t trust King Harold to negotiate with his brother)
Overall thesis according to introduction: Succession issues, Factional politics and growing difficulty in retaining control of government explain Norman Conquest. “That foreign dynasties contested the English throne in the 11th century is one way in which the history of the late Anglo-Saxon state differed fundamentally from that of the England of Alfred’s sons and Grandsons. One important task of this volume will be to identify the root cause of this change, which it will be argued had more to do with the factional politics of Aethelred’s England than naked, external aggression."
Therefore: Aethelred’s reign terminated in a long, drawn out succession crisis which resulted in a dynastic revolution, and the separation of the native dynasty from the power in England. Collectively, the circumstances in which Aethelred’s reign ended did much to undermine the hereto immutable bonds securing the kingship of the English to Cerdric line, and encourage powerful figures at home and abroad to imagine that they could exert sufficient pressure to divert the throne away from the royal house, to themselves, perhaps, or to their own advantage. These were important precedents, about which the generation of Harold Godwinson seemed to have thought deeply. Pg. 71
Thus, lessons learned by Edward and Harold during Aethelred’s reign had real significance during the succession crisis of 1066: (1) murdering siblings an effective means for “other” sons to gain the crown; (2) King’s known succession wishes overruled by powerful court factions; (3) internal conflicts allowed invaders to take crown; (4) Abhorrence of civil war above everything
Section 1:
Author proposes that King planned to skip elder 3 (living) sons and that Edward would be heir to the throne – Further (** somewhat controversially **) proposes that Eadric agreed to this and thus was willing to help the king get rid of everyone against this plan of succession. Moreover, this gives Eadric an additional motive (aside from just immediate greed) to killing people: he also expected his family to be rewarded in the future when Edward was crowned. From Eadric’s perspective, political gain factional politics always took precedence over the Danish threat – he dominated the court but showed little desire (and no ability) to protect English land. Author points out almost appears that Aethelred and Eadric believed fighting the Danes was not in their best interests.
The Battle of Ringmere in 1010, then, is a determination of a group of previously important court faction, now excluded by the Aethelred’s court, challenging the Danes in battle to also challenge Eadric and his faction (who are refusing to fight for whatever reason.) Had they won, Author believes they may have been able to push the (militarily passive) Eadric from power. Instead, all defenses broke down. Once Aethelred took Danish Throkall as a mercenary much of England - who had already experienced his ravishing – had great reason to cower. At this point English resistance to Danes basically ends.
The Gainsborough accord of 1013: Leadership of East Anglia, eastern Mercia, and Nurthumbria (Athelstans’ power base?) submit without fighting to Danish Swein. [But, just who was this alliance of Danes and English regions planning to place on the throne? ]
“The agreement reached in Gainsborough represents a major indictment by a large section of the English community outside Wessex of Aethelred’s regime to the point where they were prepared to transfer their allegiance to a Danish candidate for the throne” (pg 37) and “In 1013 therefore those who accepted Swein were actively withdrawing their obedience from a long-established monarch under whom all had previously served and who had appointed many of them to their current posts.” (P 39) and ”It is reasonable to say that the Gainsborough Accord was struck between a group of regional rulers of whom the prince had previously been the unofficial leader and a Danish warload who had no other claim but military might to the English Throne.” (pg. 58)
Author seems to believe eldest son Athelstand was in open rebellion against his father and aligned with excluded court factions along and Danish invaders – but then why is he not fighting harder when Swein in crowned?
Section 2: very brief. King Cnut the Great
In Section 3:. Edward the Confessor
Believes the return of Godwin from exile effectively ends Edward royal control of his own regime. Shows Edward to be a passive king, only interested in Hunting and Religion, and working with the Godwinsons, but actually having no power.
Does not believe that William ever had time to make a trip to England, BUT makes the claim that “In retrospect, therefore, it is likely that Edward sent hostages whom he had received from Godwin to William and made him some sort of promise concerning the English accent succession” (pg. 135) This was made to help keep Godwin (in exile) in check. “Edward was, therefore, probably attempting to reconstruct the sort of strategic alliance which his father had long since sought with Normandy by marriage, in the hope that the Duke might be persuaded to throw his own military might into the scales against the King's enemies." (pg 136) Note that this paragraph places Edward as the supplicant, while other historians place William as the supplicant wanting Edward’s help. [toss up: I don’t know which I believe.]
Section 4: Harold / Tostig
Author points out the extremely dangerous position Harold was in : “Harold’s power and influence as premier earl in England was threatened by the imminent prospect of Edward’s death, and the person of his successor was a matter of profound importance to himself. Indeed, his very survival was likely to depend upon supporting the successful candidate before the event.” Pg 161
Therefore his decision join the contenders for the crown is a rational decision to save his own skin, but perhaps a little self serving, especially if there is a chance that his brother Tostig could also be considered- and with the queen’s backing may even be a stronger contender.
Also an excellent write up of Tostig’s goals – Initially, at least, did he really want to be king, or was he just hoping to be annoying enough to regain a place of power in the court? (just like his own family regained power in 1052) When he failed to force his way back into power – as a landless man now reliant totally on the goodwill of his brother-in-law his only course of action may have been a full invasion.
Author further believes that Edward clearly nominated Harold as his successor, even over the nomination of his great-nephew, Edgar Aetheling of the house of Cerdic. The relationship between royal blood and kingship is destroyed.
Interesting Qutes: to keep track of where ‘why I believe what I believe” comes from:
Mercia breaking free of King’s full Control: In some senses Edgar’s [959-975] recognition of such paramount regional rules represents the resurrection of what look suspiciously like the principal kingdoms of Pre-Viking England … Edgar certainly underlines a tendency throughout the late Anglo-Saxon period for kings to allow what amounts to succession to such posts to favoured, or very powerful families. … If this is a fair comment then it marks a significant break with the efforts of Alfred, his son and grandsons to integrate Mercia particularly, into a single enlarged English states and suggests the Edgars’s policies had more in common with those of contemporary Frankia – where substantial counties were becoming ever more independent of the crown. This was, therefore, a period which witnessed some resurrection of regional identity … pg 5
Christmas Council, 1006: Aethelred took council with that group of men who had now become his principal henchman – Eadric and his kinsmen … really marks the beginning of Aethelred’s plunge into the factional politics in which his regime finally perished. Pg 47
Aelfhelf and his sons had been liquidated in 1006, but other noble English families retain strong links to prince Athelstan, and arguably oppose the kings policy on succession. They took this opportunity, therefore, to move against the family of principal stance, only documented ups associate with substantial estates on the south east coast Ultraman Erdrich’s brother, accused “Prince” Wulfnof, Godwin’s father to the king. Page 50
Prince Athelstand had, therefore, retained strong links with various regionally powerful kindreds whom Aethelred elected to exclude from Central government from 1006 Onwards. In particular, he was associated with the family and associated of the murdered Aelfhelm in the north-east Midlands, and the associates of the Half-king’s family in asst Anglia and the south-east Midlands, and thus ranged himself in opposition to Eadric Streona and his ambitions in easter Mercia and East Anglia. Behind Eadric stood Aethelred and his ambitions concerning the succession. Pg 57
The Gaisnsbourgh accord: “With the court back in a confident mood in the summer of 10/12 comic Edrick acknowledged as the premier Earl and the regime backed by Thorkell and his soldiers. Both Edward, and his brother were bought to court, and Ethelred was in a position to pursue his own policies regarding the succession it was the alliance of Ethelred Edrick, the greedy and circle, which had the capacity to throw prince Athelstan and his associates into the arms of swine and his Danish forces, and that is what seems to have occurred. Page 58
June 2015 Athelstan’s will: “The will itself reads as a document of some political significance. What is reveals is the association of the elder sons of Aethelred by his first marriage with the senior, wealthy and influential lay figures within eastern Mercia, East Anglia, perhaps Yorkshire and certainly Sussex. These are figures who had little influence inside Aethelred’s regime after about 106 but who may well have grouped themselves around Athelstand as the senior aetheling in expectation of his eventual succession. In the meantime, the king’s eldest son could offer them some protection from the avaricious royal favorite, Eadric Streona, and a regime which already demonstrated a degree of ruthlessness in ridding itself of potential opponents.” Pg. 43
There is a circularity, therefore, to the entire conflict which implies that the ostensibly unpatriotic behavior of certain sections of the English elite was largely a consequence of Aethelred's willingness to sanction brutal and extra-legal means by which to rid himself of those whom he considered opponents of his own policies. A central issue appears to have been a succession of Aethelred's crown and the primary conflict seems to have been within the English royal dynasty itself, with king Aethelred heading a government which was intent on placing his eldest son by Emma on the throne as his heir. That those who filled Eadric's greed should seek the protection of Prince Athelstan was entirely natural at a time when AEthelred had lost credibility as an impartial judge to any matter relating to his favorite ealdorman. Thorkell’s employment by the court in 1012 necessitated that those who feared the King's anger likewise seek Danish protection and open the door to recognition of Swein as king. Pg. 61
[Concerning the major earls in Cnut’s reign ] ” In Important respects, therefore, these grand Earls occupied positions which were comparatively fragile, and each depended heavily on the goodwill of the king of the day. Few of their estates were family lands, and only the continuing support of the crown could ensure that each retained would he already had, maintained his position at the head of a swollen affinity, and obtained opportunities to further reinforce that position.” Pg 106
“But the delay of nine months between Edward succession and his crowning may perhaps have been for other reasons as well it seems likely that Edward had first to reconcile Godwin and the other leading magnates to his kingship and reassure them that their interest, and the Anglo Danish political system over which they presided, were safe under a king whose natural instinct it was to resent his Viking predecessors and all their deeds.” Pg 117
Re Wales campaign in 1056: “There are important lessons they're in for the balance of power between king and Earl. Harold was increasingly the chief executive of the regime, dominant in its councils and the Earl of its richest and most populous territories, but he was very careful to portray himself as operating with, and on behalf of, the authority of the king and to cloak his own ambitions - whatever those were at this stage - under the guise of a loyal operative carrying out the collective decisions of Edwards council which had been endorsed by the king himself.” Pg 141
Harold did, however, use the opportunity when it presented itself to strengthen his own candidacy for succession. He avoided the opprobrium which would have been his had he attempted to put down the rebellion by armed force, and all the venom which would have let loose in the Midlands and the north. Instead, he sacrificed his brother's interest in Northumbria as the price of his own reconciliation with the House of Leofric, obtaining the support of two brothers as a replacement for the one brother whose objectives may have been far from compatible with his own. Pg 166
Only Harold’s uncompromising support could give Edgar’s candidacy a reasonable prospect of success, and that was unavailable once Harold had emerged as a candidate for the succession. Pg. 172
Despite all the bloodshed of 1066, therefore, there were precedents which will have encouraged those sections of the English leadership which had not committed themselves against William at Hastings to anticipate they might find him a man with whom they could do business once he had been enthroned when the dust had settled. William’s continental following clearly had other ideas, and it was largely their demands for power and wealth that began and then characterized the revolution of the next few years, and which witnessed the alienation then near annihilation and almost total replacement of the upper echelons of English society pg 224
That eventual outcome was not, however, entirely predictable among those who enthroned William in 1066 indeed, William was crowned in order to bring an end to a period of severe dislocation and disturbance which threatened each and every member of the propertied pg 224
March 21, 2020
The Death of Anglo-Saxon England – NJ Higham, 2000, 230 pgs
This is a book that goes into more detail than many works, but is clearly written and explains a lot of complicated facets very well.
Oddly half of the front cover is a picture of the Sutton Hoo helmet, which is spot on for Anglo-Saxon brand identity if you like, but not exactly 11th century. This is a book with plenty of photos and maps and these do add a bit of life to it and help you to picture things more easily.
It begins with Edward the Martyr and concludes with the aftermath of Hastings and throughout, Higham brings out all of the rivalries between the various factions. This is especially detailed when it comes to the reign of Aethelraed. You get a real feel for the possible motives of the various magnate affinities and for how a benefit for one, may mean a detriment to another.
Higham is very good at joining the dots and making suggestions that are just over the horizon of what is provable, but he suggests nothing unfeasible. His account of the affair of Alfred's death is one of the best that I've read. He makes a good point concerning how Emma's invitation to Edward and Alfred really did leave Godwin in the lurch.
When it comes to the succession following Edward's death, Higham sees Harold's response to the Northumbrian revolt as probably the definitive moment when he decided he wanted the throne for himself. Until then he was hedging his bets, as he had the most to lose if he had been in the wrong camp. This is well explained in the text. One thing I did disagree with was his opinion concerning William delaying setting sail until Harold's fleet had disbanded. I find the Grainge's discussion of this in Morillo more convincing as they point out that the English fleet based near Wight had little chance of being aware that the Normans had sailed as they were over the horizon from them and weren't likely to intercept William's fleet.
This book cost me £7 when I bought it and it is excellent value for money.
This is a book that goes into more detail than many works, but is clearly written and explains a lot of complicated facets very well.
Oddly half of the front cover is a picture of the Sutton Hoo helmet, which is spot on for Anglo-Saxon brand identity if you like, but not exactly 11th century. This is a book with plenty of photos and maps and these do add a bit of life to it and help you to picture things more easily.
It begins with Edward the Martyr and concludes with the aftermath of Hastings and throughout, Higham brings out all of the rivalries between the various factions. This is especially detailed when it comes to the reign of Aethelraed. You get a real feel for the possible motives of the various magnate affinities and for how a benefit for one, may mean a detriment to another.
Higham is very good at joining the dots and making suggestions that are just over the horizon of what is provable, but he suggests nothing unfeasible. His account of the affair of Alfred's death is one of the best that I've read. He makes a good point concerning how Emma's invitation to Edward and Alfred really did leave Godwin in the lurch.
When it comes to the succession following Edward's death, Higham sees Harold's response to the Northumbrian revolt as probably the definitive moment when he decided he wanted the throne for himself. Until then he was hedging his bets, as he had the most to lose if he had been in the wrong camp. This is well explained in the text. One thing I did disagree with was his opinion concerning William delaying setting sail until Harold's fleet had disbanded. I find the Grainge's discussion of this in Morillo more convincing as they point out that the English fleet based near Wight had little chance of being aware that the Normans had sailed as they were over the horizon from them and weren't likely to intercept William's fleet.
This book cost me £7 when I bought it and it is excellent value for money.
January 23, 2018
This book sets out to answer a question that had never occurred to me - why was it so easy for William to conquer England in 1066. The author does not interrogate the (pretty thin) historical resources of the period but does give a convincing argument about the weaknesses arising from the problematic successions after Aethelred the Unraed. It would be a better book without the photographs, most of them of sites which no longer bear any trace of the anglo saxon period.
May 7, 2021
A good overview of the end of the factors leading to the success of the Norman invasion in 1066 and trying to show why William faced less opposition than the earlier Danish invaders.
The author sign posts when he is playing probabilities, and seems convincing.
(As others have noted the alien nature of Anglo-Saxon names can be confusing: the brothers Aelfhere and Aelfheah is my personal favourite...)
The author sign posts when he is playing probabilities, and seems convincing.
(As others have noted the alien nature of Anglo-Saxon names can be confusing: the brothers Aelfhere and Aelfheah is my personal favourite...)
December 26, 2013
Very hard to read partly due to the subject matter and the similarity of the names - Aethelred, Aethelwold, Aelfhere, Aelfheah and at least a dozen more. An index of names with a quick explanation would have helped immeasurably. The text is very dry, I picked it up after reading the Bernard Cornwell novels - the Saxon tales. The book contains a lot of information but I gave up part way through as it felt more of a hard slog than a journey of discovery.
Displaying 1 - 5 of 5 reviews