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First published July 1, 2003
Typically a baker would have to go to work sometime between 8:00 p.m. and midnight. He would work all night, returning home at around lunchtime and spending the afternoon sleeping. Then he would have a few hours free for supper and family life before returning to The weekly schedule was either six or seven days, and some bakers actually were required to work a 24-hour shift on Thursdays. Workweeks as long as 114 or even 126 hours were reported. Under those conditions, merely gaining a 12-hour day would represent a significant improvement, and as late as 1881 bakers in New York City went on strike to achieve that goal.
The day that corporations gained the right to vote, July 1, 1997, was unpleasantly hot and sticky, at least for the human beings who marked the occasion. Of course, the corporations themselves didn’t mind. As the Union Jack went down and the flag of the People’s Republic of China flew for the first time over the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, a new “mini-constitution” went into effect, designed by shipping tycoon Tung Chee Hwa and supported by the Beijing government and the Communist Party. It divided the 60 seats in Hong Kong’s new Legislature as follows: 20 elected by voters, 10 elected by a Selection Committee controlled by Beijing, and 30 elected by “functional constituencies,” which included professionals such as lawyers and architects but also corporations based in Hong Kong.
Advocates of democracy such as Christine Loh of the Citizens Party cried foul, pointing out that businesses in Hong Kong already enjoyed sufficient influence in the governmental process and didn’t need the actual right of voting in order to have their interests represented. By its very nature, she asserted, the system devalued the rights of Hong Kong’s 2.7 million human voters. Professor Byron Weng of the Chinese University of Hong Kong gave precise measure to the injustice. According to Weng’s calculations, one corporation, the Sino Group, now enjoyed a quantity of direct electoral power equivalent to 6,100 human this due to Sino Group’s control of various subsidiaries, each of which enjoyed a separate vote. Corporations voting? To our American mentality, the notion sounds absurd. But it does raise the question: what is the ultimate limit on corporate empowerment? As the Hong Kong example makes clear, corporations aren’t the ones who are going to suggest limits.
Finally, and most importantly, it will require a deep change in attitude, an embedded skepticism. The corporation is a powerful tool, and that makes it a dangerous one. After we domesticate and democratize the corporation, assuming we manage to do that, we’ll still have to warn our kids, “Watch out. Keep an eye on this thing. And don’t ever forget: it can bite.”