Rousseau: The Basic Political Writings: Discourse on the Sciences and the Arts, Discourse on the Origin of Inequality, Discourse on Political Economy, ... Contract, The State of War (Hackett Classics) 2nd ,2 edition by Rousseau, Jean-Jacques (2012) Pap...
Genevan philosopher and writer Jean Jacques Rousseau held that society usually corrupts the essentially good individual; his works include The Social Contract and Émile (both 1762).
This important figure in the history contributed to political and moral psychology and influenced later thinkers. Own firmly negative view saw the post-hoc rationalizers of self-interest, apologists for various forms of tyranny, as playing a role in the modern alienation from natural impulse of humanity to compassion. The concern to find a way of preserving human freedom in a world of increasingly dependence for the satisfaction of their needs dominates work. This concerns a material dimension and a more important psychological dimensions. Rousseau a fact that in the modern world, humans come to derive their very sense of self from the opinions as corrosive of freedom and destructive of authenticity. In maturity, he principally explores the first political route, aimed at constructing institutions that allow for the co-existence of equal sovereign citizens in a community; the second route to achieving and protecting freedom, a project for child development and education, fosters autonomy and avoids the development of the most destructive forms of self-interest. Rousseau thinks or the possible co-existence of humans in relations of equality and freedom despite his consistent and overwhelming pessimism that humanity will escape from a dystopia of alienation, oppression, and unfreedom. In addition to contributions, Rousseau acted as a composer, a music theorist, the pioneer of modern autobiography, a novelist, and a botanist. Appreciation of the wonders of nature and his stress on the importance of emotion made Rousseau an influence on and anticipator of the romantic movement. To a very large extent, the interests and concerns that mark his work also inform these other activities, and contributions of Rousseau in ostensibly other fields often serve to illuminate his commitments and arguments.
Rousseau has a compelling style of writing I will give him that. Rousseau is good at first and probably had the most cohesive philosophy out of the three, but simultaneously again falls into this trap of making sweeping generalizations (not only about women but also the intrinsic good of people although the women part is not in this book). He contradicts himself less than Locke and Hobbes but is still bizarre. I dislike how he makes someone’s life a tool of the state, and he talks a lot about how the state creates artificial problems while simultaneously advocating for a state that would infringe on everyone’s fundamental rights. And then, how would an individual trust the state to which they are supposed to consent, but then that same state wants to police their speech and also kill them for violating laws that are surmised according to a general will, which was a pretty poorly defined concept in my eyes. The general will also seems impossible to gather in the first place? I also question if the relationship between weakened legislation and moral degeneration is as linear as Rousseau implies and whether a censor could play a role in challenging negative trends at all. The answer, to me, seems no.
I cannot remember what I was reading on JJ although what was it that was so good about it, I used it to argue a point at a dinner party at Carolines place before she moved to the UK that was so sad was it funny I cant remember. Ahem #socialcontract on my ex financés downstairs neighbour. Serfs up.
Remember the black mask he put on my face like you know him or you don't, pretend to know him or you don't.
Rosseau's style of philosophizing is very animated, and he is at his best when he's ripping into Hobbes for failing to distinguish between war and mere hostility between individuals, which in the state of nature is transient, owing to certain natural limitations. However, no such limitations constrain the in-principle boundless appetite of states and their will to make right conform to might.
An idealized portrayal of the state of nature, reliant on speculation, which weakens his argument and makes his condemnation of civilization feel more rhetorical than historical