Insight Tracker:
p5 His last major work, The Rhetoric of Reaction (1991), tackled the way intransigent arguments threatened to weaken democracy precisely because they narrowed options and alternatives.
p9 As the cursus of his life slowly closed with the century, he made of his style a kind of rampart from which to warn us, without giving up on humor, of the perils of overspecialization, of narrowing of vision, and of the temptation to fall in love with the image of one's own technical prowess and vocabulary and lose sight of the vitality of moving back and forth between proving and preaching.
p11 At the core of his possibilism was the idea that people had a right to what he called a "non-projected future". & " it was not an accident that one of Hirschman's favored words was debrouillard, from the Old French root, brouiller (to mix up), which alludes to artful ways to wiggle out of a convoluted, intractable, or bad situation.
p19 "Investigations of a Dog", one of Kafka's posthumously published stories, was one of the favorites of both father and son. the tale of a dog's pseudorational method to arrive at incongruous explanations for his existence was not just absurd, it also pointed to some of the foibles that accompany closed certainties, a style that would yield a lifelong imprint.
p75 The decision to study economics was not greeted with much enthusiasm. They explained that it was "a breadless art" - to which their son replied, with hes tongue already in cheek, that it was precisely the power to explain shortages and abundances of bread that made it such an important discipline.
p119: Franz Kafka: "From the true antagonist boundless courage flows from you"
p141 "he consequences was an ironic finding that warmed Hirschmann's heart: fascist pronatalist policies, which rewarded women for reproducing, could lead to higher fertility rates and higher child mortality rates...Knibb's massive 'Mathematical Theory of Population' was Hirschmann's guide in developing a more nuanced model for Italian demographers, and one can detect already at this stage a fondness for paradoxes produced by human behavior.
p145 a mantra from Montaigne; 'observe, observe perpetually.'
p188 Hirschman did not dwell on the traumas he left behind- and was determinedly tight-lipped about it with others. Rather, he sought out new opportunities. In America, he could become the intellectual he'd dream of being in Europe.
p323 Hirschman did not disavow the economist; he simply cautioned against the allure of overaggregated analysis and the siren calls of 'over-all, integrated development programs' of the type that brought him to Colombia in the first place. They might do better with a commitment to reality content based on observation from the ground up, precise understandings and models instead of a blind faith in general statistics."... "Instead of a 'propensity to plan,' Hirschman advocated a 'propensity to experiment and to improvise'.
p337 Hirschman told his sister, after one of his chats with Schelling, that he found his friend 'one of the most intelligent people hat I know (almost scary)- he turned away from economics and is now more interested in questions of foreign policy and peace strategy.' What helped was a distinction between human strategies, a key word for both thinkers, and not theories, as motors of social processes. Moreover, they shared an affinity in dealing with the relationship between case studies and general insights. Neither bothered too much that a single case of multiple strategies would constrain conceptual innovation; Hirschman noted that Karl Marx wrote Capital based on observations of industrialization in one country without having to add '-A Case Study of England.'
p340 To Hirschman, the great malefactor was impatience. He transcribed Kafka's words: 'all human error is impatience.' It was the source of the cardinal sin. 'Because of impatience,' wrote Kafka, underscored by Hirschman, 'we were driven out, because of impatience we cannot return.'
p342 In the case of individual: is there such a thing as in economies 'optimal tension.
p347 By the end of Strategy, the core of Hirschman's thinking about what was scarce in traditional societies becomes clear. It was not capital. It was not a middle class. It was not 'entrepreneurship' or the right kind of cultural bedrock of striving individualism. It was altogether more original: the capacity to problem solve in ca capitalist world, the 'ability to make development decisions.'
p406 ...Aristotle who said that virtue lies often between the vices (cowardice-courage-foolhardiness).
p421 "What keeps me from suicide are, besides cowardice, two matters: 1) the idea that it would be considered a refutation of my own theories of creative imbalances etc. 2) the fact that I always seem to have still one idea to write up - the dangerous moment will come when I'll have my best petite idée all worked out."
p450 What emerged was probably his most elegant essay, "Political Economics and Possibilism," which brought his aphoristic style to full bloom and subtly introduced himself, perhaps with Schelling in mind, as an exhibit character called the possibilist.
p487 The divide between hope and hopelessness, between optimism and pessimism, was a false one, Hirschman believed. It was not a matter of how it was told, for the epic passage of social change was riddled with chance and choice, and understanding this required humility and a concession to the limits of Reason. From his Hegelian taproots he found the current 'correlation' between economics and 'the development of torture' as 'puzzling' as it was 'appalling'. He wanted to get at social scientists' mindsets, why they persist 'in thinking of having only one thing happen, and everything else will coalesce around it, and we'll come out all right.' We do 'we only have one 'new key' at a time?'
p539 While philosophers had long been arguing about the prospects for 'a real science of society,' it was Max Weber, a touchstone for Geertz and Hirschman alike, who argued that social science's mission was to account for the actions to which social meanings were attributed by the actors themselves. Motives, ambitions, and memories, not to mention passions and interests, had to be freed, as Geertz once put it, from 'systems of closed causality.' It meant less interest in analyzing how structures determined behavior than how people made sense and understood the world around them-and how they argued about it-as a condition for their actions.
p565 When Hirschman presented Man as 'a blundering idealist, someone with interests and passions,' it sounded to them as a moral observation. Either-or commonplaces made Hirschman's kinds of stories appear muddled and confused. Really, what, Hirschman wanted was a human actor 'as a more lovable character, somewhat pitiable, but also a bit frightening-hence tragic.'
p569 Machiavelli had wanted to study politics from the premise of amn as he really is, not what he ought to be. Montesquieu had warned how useless it was to go on about how much political practice conflicts with morality and justice ('this sort of discourse makes everybody nod in agreement, but changes nobody'). And of course Smith had severed the self-interested 'head' fro the emoting 'heart' with breathtaking effectiveness. Even Marx wanted 'cool science' to guide his motion of capitalism. But Marx was a cue to a deeper current in the genealogy of the social sciences, for while he wanted neutral, objective laws to dictate his analysis, he was no less inclined to hot tempered 'moral outrage'.
583 When Albert stepped up to the front of the small meeting hall, he explained that one of the problems with economists 'is that they economize on love.
When the flutter subsided, Hirschman observed that one of the staff's frustration was the feeling that they had to gauge the success of projects in terms that were easily quantified, which had often led them to overlook other variables, like love, civic purpose, and what in Hirschman's childhood would have been called Bildung, improvement and self-cultivation for their own sake, development to harmonize the mind and the heart, self and society.
584 All the reports that pointed to the shortfalls of each project - shortfalls compared to the grantees' lofty aspirations- had missed the larger point. It had been a point driven home in Development Projects Observed (look at side effects!) and again in Shifting Involvements (let disappointments produce alternatives!)
Hirschman offered them a simple principle- 'social energy'-to help illuminate how modest grants could help people create, direct, and expand communities' and associations' efforts to change the world around them. [pple will work if only for the love and attention of those they esteem]
even if they did not finally solve the problem they set out to lick, they had acquired skills, created movements, and marshaled social energy that they could apply to other problems.
585 In the face of a grinding debt crisis, there was still scope fro improvement. What was true of social processes applied to himself as well; even a mature scholar of global repute could rediscover himself and the range of his own possibilities.
586 And the range of issues that concerned the deliverymen varied from traffic laws to taxes and police enforcement. So, a risk-spreading org mutated into a 'pressure group'.
587 indictment of fracasomania, for lack of success could, ironically, help motivate a desire for even more success.
598 Naming the tension was the first step to acknowledging its existence. By identifying its existence, perhaps the social scientist might not feel so compelled to resolve, transcend, or overcome it without losing something precious and important. The social scientist's dilemma could not be cast off like outgrown clothes. Better to admit it than to take refuge in false certainties.
612 This 'democratic' approach to economic thought deprived any single argument of certainty nurtured by isolation. In staging this conversation among rival views of the market, however, Hirschman had to concede that over the course of the 20th cen the prospect of such a dialogue was getting more difficult. In fact, it could only be resurrected through his kind of historical reenactment.
615 Exit, Voice, and Loyalty, which is generally recognized as a work riddled with formulae waiting to be quarried.
621 He had always thought that loud exits were akin to the use of voice- like 'banging the door upon leaving,' 'But it turns out that silent exit,' of the type he heard testimony and witnessed in those heady weeks in Germany, 'carries its own powerful message, just because of its silence, the inability to communication: with voice you can argue, with those silent AusriBern [runaways] no discussion is possible.'
625 Hirschman: I think he [Carl Schmitt] was right in looking toward more exceptional situations and toward the capacity to seize them via 'decisionism' as the avenue to escape from 'the laws of motion' of both Marxist and non-Marxist (Weberian) social scientists...For I have long talked of exceptional constellations that make possible the escape from vicious circles and forbidding 'prerequisites' for development or democracy...of course the use I make and the hopes I connect with these exceptional situations are totally different from his.
633 "Everything backfires"
654 What he stood for, fought for, and wrote for was a proposition that humans are improvable creatures. Armed with an admixture of daring humility, they could act while being uncertain and embrace alternatives without losing sight of reality.
655 What he wanted was not so much a theory with predictive powers, but a way to think about societies and economies, beginning with the premise that living in the world means we cannot step out of time to divine universal laws of human motion severed from the day-to-day banalities and mysteries of existence.
656 Underneath it all, Hirschman had a sense that human actions and choices were the engine of social possibilities and that any history of possible futures- is this not the script for grand theory?- starts its life as an observation of the human by another human. All categories that flowed therefrom had to be flexible and adaptive, open to the cunning of unintended consequences and side effects that were often more momentous than the original purpose. Such was the personal and moral stuff of his vision made, bold enough for him to dream of a unified social science. There was no shortage of ambition here. One only has to consider the concepts and keywords that he juxtaposed: the individual and the collective, priavte and public, markets and politics, wealth and virtue, equilibrium and disequilibrium, choice and constraint, simplicity and complexity. Fertile oppositions were not just for fun- though if there were possibilities for wordplay, Hirschman did not resist. They were meant to show how each side required the other. In this sense, the art of sailing into the wind was all about gaining speed from an oppositional force and turning it to one's advantage.
Entelechy-the actualization; rather than a mere possibility
Prolegemenon-preliminary discussion
read-> Kenneth Arrow's work on the role of professional codes of ethics and Robert Solow's recent presidential address to the AEA, which had explained why labor markets wee not so smoothly 'clearing' as theory would predict because workers paid attention to principles of appropriated behavior among them.