This is the first major study of the mass sequestration of Armenian property by the Young Turk regime during the 1915 Armenian genocide. It details the emergence of Turkish economic nationalism, offers insight into the economic ramifications of the genocidal process, and describes how the plunder was organized on the ground. The interrelated nature of property confiscation initiated by the Young Turk regime and its cooperating local elites offers new insights into the functions and beneficiaries of state-sanctioned robbery. Drawing on secret files and unexamined records, the authors demonstrate that while Armenians suffered systematic plunder and destruction, ordinary Turks were assigned a range of property for their progress.
CONFISCATION AND DESTRUCTION: THE YOUNG TURK SEIZURE OF ARMENIAN PROPERTY belongs on the same shelf as Khalil Gibran Muhammad's THE CONDEMNATION OF BLACKNESS. Much as KGM does with American history's weaponization of the legal code to disenfranchise Black Americans and enrich White America, in this book the authors turn their sights to a parallel story in Turkey, where the so-called "Young Turk" regime used mass murder to erase its Armenian and Greek citizens, transferring their property to newly christened "Turks."
The Ottoman genocide of Armenians, Greeks, and Assyrians was underpinned and legitimized through successive layers of lawfare — the law weaponized to first strip the wealth of the eastern business class (Western Armenians) through "dispossession," then redistribute it to Turks impoverished by the war and to Muslim refugees arriving from the collapsing Balkan territories.
This served two purposes at once: it enriched Turkish elites into a new ethnic bourgeoisie built on murdered Armenians' wealth, and it eliminated the Armenian merchant class that had dominated commerce. The Young Turk government also scapegoated Armenians and Greeks for the loss of the Balkans and the capitulations, making the genocide look like retribution rather than theft.
The redistribution was systematic and it stuck. Estates and endowments looted from murdered Armenians went directly to the perpetrators and architects of the killings — and where those men were dead, to their families and descendants. As with January 6 in the United States, there were no draconian punishments; the closest the state came to enforcing anything was on the rare occasions when a Turkish official's personal skimming interfered with passing the stolen wealth down to the Muslim peasants and Balkan refugees it was meant to reach. Villages and cities were stripped of their Armenian names and given synthetic Turkish ones in the same stroke.
The Kemalist regime was a continuation — the same apparatus, personnel, and beneficiaries carried forward under a new name, effectively unbroken until 1950. The republic's presidential mansion is itself a looted Armenian manor. Renaming the state was a rebrand, not a transfer of power — new names gave Turkish national consciousness distance from the old regime and cover for the thieves.
Eastern Turkey's economy — formerly Western Armenia — collapsed under this continuous project and has never fully recovered. But even that collapse got put to use: by naming 1923 "year zero," the new Turkish state could measure all future progress against the post-genocide floor rather than against the real pre-genocide baseline, when Armenian and Greek communities were major contributors to commerce, artisanship, and tax revenue. The regime knowingly sacrificed decades of economic development for an ethnically unified state — and then got to claim credit for the recovery.
I wish this book had existed when I studied Middle East/Caucasus history in university.
Searing and straightforward, the research, the synthesis, and central arguments are all first-rate.