A charming, light historical review of domestic life. This book is full of fun anecdotes and tidbits but can be inconsistent and a little scattered.
Here follows some unnecessarily nitpicky criticisms of what irked me while reading this book:
First of all, the interior headers are set in what looks to be Gill Sans. But... why? Why?
The book has a few other strange formatting choices, including the fact that while the color plates are referred to by number, they are not numbered on the inserted plates. Which means when you flip to the center you have to play a guessing game or sit there and count to figure out which image is being referred to.
Then there is the lack of footnotes (?!) which makes further exploration of her research, quotations, or oversimplified statements impossible. For example, something will be referenced broadly as coming from a “X-century text”; good luck figuring out what specific text she is talking about in that Bibliography.
This becomes especially relevant when she makes occasionally weirdly subjective asides, such as this strangely chatty warning at the end of a section on venereal disease: “But be warned: the numbers of new cases [of syphilis] being reported today are on the rise!” Yes, I suppose, but we were just talking about Georgian England, so who/what/ when/where are we talking about now, when did this become a PSA, and can we see a citation of that statistic please, because it just sounds like you threw that in after hearing it on the morning news?
Most of these jarring additions come at the very end of her chapters, when she often feels the need to tie things back to the present time for some reason. On sanitary napkins: “The ecological option in terms of sanitary protection is much clearer: rubber devices like the Mooncup are completely reusable and produce no waste at all. And yet we hear very little about this very simple green step that went many women could make. The taboo placed by Leviticus still holds its sway.” Or: “And so each small household today sees to its own vacuuming or laundry or rat-catching, and men and women argue constantly about whose gender bears the heaviest burden.” Okay then! These are very loaded and subjective ways to end an otherwise straight-forward discussion of historical life.
Another example: she twice labels some food choices of the peasantry as “nasty” and insists medieval eaters inadvertently followed a “macrobiotic diet” (citation please?), which is later contradicted by a more detailed explanation of their eating habits.
Lastly, it would help to at least once frame the book as coming from a thoroughly British perspective, as this becomes obvious almost immediately but is never clearly acknowledged. The author just assumes references to the queen are to be expected and occasionally gestures vaguely to other regions of the world, such as noting that others "in the East" (here I imagine an ambiguous wave of the hand to encompass 'somewhere over there') use a hose in place of toilet paper.
Doing without these little editorial asides would have helped the more valuable researched material maintain a bit more of its credibility.
Notes
In their bedroom mirrors ladies either cursed or blessed the biological background that gave them figures that either met or failed the approved fashion of their times. Sometimes the breasts were valued; sometimes not: the pendulum swung regularly from side-to-side. (PG. 45)
A Georgian prostitute in prints and cartoons — and presumably in real life too — indicates her availability by lifting up one side of her skirt and showing her ankle. (PG. 47)
Some thieves specialized in stealing these particular items: ‘My chief dexterity was in robbing the ladies. There is a peculiar delicacy required in whipping one’s hand up a a lady’s petticoats and carrying off her pockets,’ posted one (fictional) pickpocket. Putting an intrusive hand into a lady’s pocket was often used as a metaphor for seduction. (PG. 49)
The historian Amanda Vickery notes that in Jane Austin's novels, a female character shown around a single man's house is practically being given permission to assume that a proposal is forthcoming. (PG. 183)
This craze to possess had in fact started long before the nineteenth century. The late-seventeenth-century invention of shops and shopping by an urban middle class who lived by trade was mirrored by the growth of a new type of domestic space. What might be termed the ‘middle-class’ living room was full of superfluous objects, chosen for ornament rather than use yet cheap and not truly beautiful: a barricade of possessions intended to stabilize a precarious position in the world. (PG. 185-186)
The literary scholar Julia Prewitt Brown argues that the first ever of these ‘bourgeois interiors’ (the crowded and slightly shoddy living rooms of the socially insecure) to be created in literature was situated on a desert island. In Daniel Defoe's novel of 1719, the adventurer Robinson Crusoe was taught by his father to aspire to belong to the ‘middle state’ of society, and he was taught that honest industry would lead to a life of well earned ease. After his shipwreck Caruso is trapped on his desert island. Being a good member of the ‘middling sort’, he devotes himself to the archetypal he Bourgeois past time inventorying and protecting the stores and tools salvaged from the sea. He fortifies a cave to protect his possessions from ravenous beasts, and is rarely to be seen outside it without his umbrella and his gun.
Robinson Crusoe was followed by a horde of successors: everyone can recognize the overcluttered, stuffy, uptight living room of a truly anxious status-conscious person with neither of the ease of aristocrat at riches nor the genuine restrictions of poverty. This phenomenon reached its apogee in an imaginary Victorian living room forever damned by Henry James and smothered in
“… trumpery ornament and scrapbook art, with strange excrescences and a bunch of draperies, with gimcracks that might have been keepsakes for maid-servants… they have gone wildly astray over carpets and curtain; they had and infallible instinct for disaster." (PG. 187)
The modern houses of the 1930s we're supposed to be pared-down, simplified machines for living: “the home is no longer permanent from generation to generation; family ties, inconsistent with freedom of living, are broken. We demand spaciousness, release from encumbrances, from furniture and trappings that overload our rooms, possessions that tie us and tools that are obsolete.” (PG. 189)
One of the great distresses of the English Civil War and the associated social upheaval of the 17th century was the felling of forests that had been carefully managed over centuries. (PG. 192)
The twenty minutes for which each rush light burned became a familiar unit of time. Neighbors often pooled their resources, taking turns to gather in each others houses for night-time sewing and mending by the eked-out glimmer. Rushes were such a cheap and reliable way of providing light that they were found in the poorest homes right into the twentieth century. (PG. 193)
Of course, in an age of candle and fire light accidents were common. The London wood-turner Nehemiah Wallington had several lucky escapes from being burned to death, a fate not uncommon in his crowded parish… Once, Wallington’s servant, Obadiah, strictly contrary to instructions, had taken a candle up to his bedchamber. There it fell over and burnt ‘half a yard of the sheet and the flock bed’. But the quick thinking Obadiah woke up a fellow servant, and ‘both of them start up and pissed out the fire as well as they could’. (PG. 195)
In fact, ladies court dress woven with heavy silver thread had the effect of making its way were gleam in candlelight. (PG. 196)
Francis Willoughby's seventeenth century book of games is full of bright ideas for cheaper parties, describing the rules of backgammon and ‘ticktac’ and giving instructions for playing cards…
As well as creating a lot of labor, the open fire lead to a whole lost slice of life: the art of amusing yourself while warming yourself in low light levels. (PG. 226)
The mingling of different ranks in an informal manner became more common as the eighteenth century passed. Sitting upon chairs arranged in a perfect oval for a measured discussion, a formation central to the drawing rooms of the baroque age, fell out a fashion. ‘All the ladies sitting in a formal circle is universally the most obnoxious to conversation,’ claimed a character in a novel of 1817, ‘here I am like a bird in a circle of chalk that deer not move as much as its head or its eyes.’
So great became the drawing room’s emphasis on sociability there by the nineteenth century some visitors were bored almost senseless by the long, relentlessly chatty days common to nineteenth century house parties. ‘This day we have been all sitting together in the drawing room going on with our various little employment,’ wrote Maria Edgeworth in 1819. These entertainments included making puppets, copying pictures and sorting ribbons, but there was the frustrated ‘Fanny in the library by her recluse philosophical self for some time — then joining the vulgar herd in the drawing room’. Likewise, Prince Puckler-Muskua, who visited England between 1826 and 1828, found that he couldn't even go to his own room to write a letter because it was ‘not usual, and therefore surprises and annoys people’. (PG. 227)
To marry was everyone's duty, except for the aged: ‘of all the passions the old man should avoid a foolish passion for women,’ wrote Dr. Hill in The Old Man’s Guide to Health and Longer Life (1764). (PG. 232)