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Total Mobilization
Erste Einzelausgabe, im Jahr zuvor als Teil des von Jünger herausgegeben Sammelbandes "Krieg und Krieger" erstmals erschienen. Behandelt die vollständige Mobilisierung aller Lebensbereiche im modernen Industriestaat für den Krieg.
24 pages, Unknown Binding
First published January 1, 1930
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About the author
Ernst Jünger
231 books929 followersErnst Jünger was a decorated German soldier and author who became famous for his World War I memoir Storm of Steel. The son of a successful businessman and chemist, Jünger rebelled against an affluent upbringing and sought adventure in the Wandervogel, before running away to briefly serve in the French Foreign Legion, an illegal act. Because he escaped prosecution in Germany due to his father's efforts, Junger was able to enlist on the outbreak of war. A fearless leader who admired bravery above all else, he enthusiastically participated in actions in which his units were sometimes virtually annihilated. During an ill-fated German offensive in 1918 Junger's WW1 career ended with the last and most serious of his many woundings, and he was awarded the Pour le Mérite, a rare decoration for one of his rank.
Junger served in World War II as captain in the German Army. Assigned to an administrative position in Paris, he socialized with prominent artists of the day such as Picasso and Jean Cocteau. His early time in France is described in his diary Gärten und Straßen (1942, Gardens and Streets). He was also in charge of executing younger German soldiers who had deserted. In his book Un Allemand à Paris , the writer Gerhard Heller states that he had been interested in learning how a person reacts to death under such circumstances and had a morbid fascination for the subject.
Jünger appears on the fringes of the Stauffenberg bomb plot to assassinate Adolf Hitler (July 20, 1944). He was clearly an inspiration to anti-Nazi conservatives in the German Army, and while in Paris he was close to the old, mostly Prussian, officers who carried out the assassination attempt against Hitler. He was only peripherally involved in the events however, and in the aftermath suffered only dismissal from the army in the summer of 1944, rather than execution.
In the aftermath of WW2 he was treated with some suspicion as a closet Nazi. By the latter stages of the Cold War his unorthodox writings about the impact of materialism in modern society were widely seen as conservative rather than radical nationalist, and his philosophical works came to be highly regarded in mainstream German circles. Junger ended his extremely long life as a honoured establishment figure, although critics continued to charge him with the glorification of war as a transcending experience.
Junger served in World War II as captain in the German Army. Assigned to an administrative position in Paris, he socialized with prominent artists of the day such as Picasso and Jean Cocteau. His early time in France is described in his diary Gärten und Straßen (1942, Gardens and Streets). He was also in charge of executing younger German soldiers who had deserted. In his book Un Allemand à Paris , the writer Gerhard Heller states that he had been interested in learning how a person reacts to death under such circumstances and had a morbid fascination for the subject.
Jünger appears on the fringes of the Stauffenberg bomb plot to assassinate Adolf Hitler (July 20, 1944). He was clearly an inspiration to anti-Nazi conservatives in the German Army, and while in Paris he was close to the old, mostly Prussian, officers who carried out the assassination attempt against Hitler. He was only peripherally involved in the events however, and in the aftermath suffered only dismissal from the army in the summer of 1944, rather than execution.
In the aftermath of WW2 he was treated with some suspicion as a closet Nazi. By the latter stages of the Cold War his unorthodox writings about the impact of materialism in modern society were widely seen as conservative rather than radical nationalist, and his philosophical works came to be highly regarded in mainstream German circles. Junger ended his extremely long life as a honoured establishment figure, although critics continued to charge him with the glorification of war as a transcending experience.
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September 29, 2020
The essay deals mainly with the differences in war mobilization, during WWI, between the Axis countries and the allies, but its implications are broader.
According to Jünger, the allied countries were able to mobilize their societies for the War in a more comprehensive and inexorable way than Germany. This occurred not only because they were more advanced technologically but also because, in a full-fledged liberal-capitalist society, the citizen is already integrated into a work regime with almost martial mobilization.
Precisely this capacity for perpetual productive mobilization in the manner of a permanent war engulfs the very liberalism that engendered it and gives way to the totalitarianism of our time.
Jünger did not think of totalitarianism as a negative thing. In fact, his dream, more developed in “The Worker - Dominion and Form”, is a society of worker-soldiers permanently engaged and somehow immune to bourgeois nihilism.
Liberalism truly has this defect of origin: while artificially advancing the personal interests of individuals, it conscripts them in a regime of reproduction of social life that is a permanent deployment, a total war.
According to Jünger, the allied countries were able to mobilize their societies for the War in a more comprehensive and inexorable way than Germany. This occurred not only because they were more advanced technologically but also because, in a full-fledged liberal-capitalist society, the citizen is already integrated into a work regime with almost martial mobilization.
Precisely this capacity for perpetual productive mobilization in the manner of a permanent war engulfs the very liberalism that engendered it and gives way to the totalitarianism of our time.
Jünger did not think of totalitarianism as a negative thing. In fact, his dream, more developed in “The Worker - Dominion and Form”, is a society of worker-soldiers permanently engaged and somehow immune to bourgeois nihilism.
Liberalism truly has this defect of origin: while artificially advancing the personal interests of individuals, it conscripts them in a regime of reproduction of social life that is a permanent deployment, a total war.
November 19, 2017
WWI is nowadays traditionally defined as ‘total war’. Total Mobilization helps understand why this definition, but it goes further.
The concept in its essence: increasing mobilisation of all available energies and the concomitant sundering of society from all its traditional moorings.
This, furthermore, was planned (by the state) mobilization – indeed we talk about warfare economy. Examples include “planned management of raw materials and foodstuffs, the transposition of industrial conditions to military circumstances, civil-guard duty, the arming of trade vessels, the unexpected extension of the general staff’s authority, the Hindenburg program, Ludendorff’s struggle for the fusion of military and political command”. Specifically, he sees “the “planned economy,” as one of the final results of democracy, grows beyond itself into a general unfolding of power.” Key was the effective appeal to the great masses, whose participation was indispensable, because the force of faith ended up being the decisive aspect of their Total Mobilization. Characteristic of total mobilization is an inner lawfulness, to which human laws must correspond in order to be effective. In an age of total warfare, the difference between “war” and “peace” is effaced, and no sector of society can remain “unintegrated” when the summons to “mobilization” is announced.
He then argues that the timorous bourgeois liberal societies of the nineteenth century were about to be swept away by this new technological age of total societal mobilisation and armed conflict. Specifically, this escalation towards total mobilisation ultimately “expresses the secret and inexorable claim to which our life in the age of masses and machines subjects us.” “Each individual life becomes, ever more unambiguously, the life of a worker” so that “following the wars of knights, kings, and citizens, we now have wars of workers.”
(( the full quote actually is “Total Mobilization is far less consummated than it consummates itself; in war and peace, it expresses the secret and inexorable claim to which our life in the age of masses and machines subjects us. It thus turns out that each individual life becomes, ever more unambiguously, the life of a worker; and that, following the wars of knights, kings, and citizens, we now have wars of workers. The first great twentieth-century conflict has offered us a presentiment of both their rational structure and their mercilessness.”))
The concept in its essence: increasing mobilisation of all available energies and the concomitant sundering of society from all its traditional moorings.
This, furthermore, was planned (by the state) mobilization – indeed we talk about warfare economy. Examples include “planned management of raw materials and foodstuffs, the transposition of industrial conditions to military circumstances, civil-guard duty, the arming of trade vessels, the unexpected extension of the general staff’s authority, the Hindenburg program, Ludendorff’s struggle for the fusion of military and political command”. Specifically, he sees “the “planned economy,” as one of the final results of democracy, grows beyond itself into a general unfolding of power.” Key was the effective appeal to the great masses, whose participation was indispensable, because the force of faith ended up being the decisive aspect of their Total Mobilization. Characteristic of total mobilization is an inner lawfulness, to which human laws must correspond in order to be effective. In an age of total warfare, the difference between “war” and “peace” is effaced, and no sector of society can remain “unintegrated” when the summons to “mobilization” is announced.
He then argues that the timorous bourgeois liberal societies of the nineteenth century were about to be swept away by this new technological age of total societal mobilisation and armed conflict. Specifically, this escalation towards total mobilisation ultimately “expresses the secret and inexorable claim to which our life in the age of masses and machines subjects us.” “Each individual life becomes, ever more unambiguously, the life of a worker” so that “following the wars of knights, kings, and citizens, we now have wars of workers.”
(( the full quote actually is “Total Mobilization is far less consummated than it consummates itself; in war and peace, it expresses the secret and inexorable claim to which our life in the age of masses and machines subjects us. It thus turns out that each individual life becomes, ever more unambiguously, the life of a worker; and that, following the wars of knights, kings, and citizens, we now have wars of workers. The first great twentieth-century conflict has offered us a presentiment of both their rational structure and their mercilessness.”))
October 24, 2017
A short essay in which Juenger digresses on the distinction between limited and total war, the first world war being the first instance of the latter. Juengers vision is prophetic as regards the developments up to and including the second world war, but he was unable to foresee how matters have unfolded afterwards. In his essays, Juenger's writing isn't always as lucid as it in his novels. His sentences seem convoluted and overwrought at times, which could however be a distortion brought about by less-than-perfect translation. All in all, this work feels like a period piece.
February 20, 2025
For this interest, this essay deals primarily with the historical transformation of European society in the realm of politics, war, and technology.
His reflection on World War I (WWI) as a watershed moment for Europe is an interesting one; he deals with the implications of WWI becoming the first "total war," significantly different in nature from the partial mobilisations of the past in a way akin to the great difference between "Hekla in Iceland and Vesuvius in the Gulf of Naples."
This might seem to be a simple observation at first, but the implications are interesting and, to an extent, chilling. To Jünger WWI was won by the Entente by virute of being better orientated to total mobilization in a more complete manner, due in part to the full-participation of the masses in the work regime in which the "spirit of progress" was harnessed to a degree never before seen in history.
WWI was not fought by "armies of war" but the "masses in a civil war." In this way, war invaded spheres that were once off-limits to the commands of military mobilisation, and Germany, unable to effectively align their mobilisation efforts with a broader, cohesive ideological vision, would fail this kind of engagement.
This "spirit of progress" was less about the advancement of technology for the betterment of mankind and more about the exploitation of human resources to fuel the war machine. The drive toward progress became a tool of coercion, where the demands of industrialisation and total war eclipsed individual freedoms. This was a shift from traditional, aristocratic forms of warfare to a new era in which every aspect of society was mobilized for conflict. The war was not just a military battle but a social transformation, where labour, resources, and even human lives were directed toward the single purpose of victory.
This produced a rigorous consistency in the world. This transformation is so complete and pervasive that it seems as if the world has been struck by a unified, all-encompassing force. It caused the spread of political ideologies unimaginable before the war. It was out of these movements, which fused nationalism with a new form of political consciousness, that have transformed societies around the world. Such ideologies are not just expanding politically but have begun to dominate human existence in ways that are increasingly totalitarian, having thrown away their humanitarian facades.
"Quantity" is the primary driver of power. This massification has destroyed older societal structures. Along with this is a sort of technological fetishism where societies have begun to value the machine and technique over human needs, and where the destructive power of technology is celebrated almost mindlessly. The promises of progress have led to the loss of freedom and a more controlled, harsh existence.
War, in this context, was not simply political or military—it became an existential force. It pushed individuals and societies to confront their innermost selves, often through violent and radical transformation, serving as a means of self-realization.
Despite the destruction wrought by this new global order, a new society was forged—one that could no longer be satisfied by old ideologies or historical ideals. This "fruitful anarchy" gave rise to a more powerful, dominant system, built on new technologies and forms of control that could oppose European nihilism.
Though not correct in his prescriptions to the problems he foresaw, through Jünger analysis we might have the desire to call him a prophet, one who foresaw the coming problems of the age of totalitarianism and the rise of ideologies that would reshape Europe’s political and social landscape. His critique of the modern world—a world gripped by a secular, materialist, and increasingly mechanised worldview—still holds truth. It is for this reason that I believe that Jünger remains a seminal work in the study of modern warfare and its societal implications. This book is vital for scholars and researchers looking to gain a deep understanding of the intricate relationship between warfare, technology, morality, and society in the 20th century and beyond.
His reflection on World War I (WWI) as a watershed moment for Europe is an interesting one; he deals with the implications of WWI becoming the first "total war," significantly different in nature from the partial mobilisations of the past in a way akin to the great difference between "Hekla in Iceland and Vesuvius in the Gulf of Naples."
This might seem to be a simple observation at first, but the implications are interesting and, to an extent, chilling. To Jünger WWI was won by the Entente by virute of being better orientated to total mobilization in a more complete manner, due in part to the full-participation of the masses in the work regime in which the "spirit of progress" was harnessed to a degree never before seen in history.
WWI was not fought by "armies of war" but the "masses in a civil war." In this way, war invaded spheres that were once off-limits to the commands of military mobilisation, and Germany, unable to effectively align their mobilisation efforts with a broader, cohesive ideological vision, would fail this kind of engagement.
This "spirit of progress" was less about the advancement of technology for the betterment of mankind and more about the exploitation of human resources to fuel the war machine. The drive toward progress became a tool of coercion, where the demands of industrialisation and total war eclipsed individual freedoms. This was a shift from traditional, aristocratic forms of warfare to a new era in which every aspect of society was mobilized for conflict. The war was not just a military battle but a social transformation, where labour, resources, and even human lives were directed toward the single purpose of victory.
This produced a rigorous consistency in the world. This transformation is so complete and pervasive that it seems as if the world has been struck by a unified, all-encompassing force. It caused the spread of political ideologies unimaginable before the war. It was out of these movements, which fused nationalism with a new form of political consciousness, that have transformed societies around the world. Such ideologies are not just expanding politically but have begun to dominate human existence in ways that are increasingly totalitarian, having thrown away their humanitarian facades.
"Quantity" is the primary driver of power. This massification has destroyed older societal structures. Along with this is a sort of technological fetishism where societies have begun to value the machine and technique over human needs, and where the destructive power of technology is celebrated almost mindlessly. The promises of progress have led to the loss of freedom and a more controlled, harsh existence.
War, in this context, was not simply political or military—it became an existential force. It pushed individuals and societies to confront their innermost selves, often through violent and radical transformation, serving as a means of self-realization.
Despite the destruction wrought by this new global order, a new society was forged—one that could no longer be satisfied by old ideologies or historical ideals. This "fruitful anarchy" gave rise to a more powerful, dominant system, built on new technologies and forms of control that could oppose European nihilism.
Though not correct in his prescriptions to the problems he foresaw, through Jünger analysis we might have the desire to call him a prophet, one who foresaw the coming problems of the age of totalitarianism and the rise of ideologies that would reshape Europe’s political and social landscape. His critique of the modern world—a world gripped by a secular, materialist, and increasingly mechanised worldview—still holds truth. It is for this reason that I believe that Jünger remains a seminal work in the study of modern warfare and its societal implications. This book is vital for scholars and researchers looking to gain a deep understanding of the intricate relationship between warfare, technology, morality, and society in the 20th century and beyond.
July 28, 2025
No sabes cómo te irá leyendo a (Ernst) Jünger. Hay algunos ensayos farragosos, otros en cambios atractivos. "Total mobilization" es de de éstos últimos. El "Anarca" plasmó en este opúsculo su visión de la guerra como acrisola los regímenes políticos; para el polémico autor, la mobilización total elimina las fronteras entre combatientes y civiles, entre el frente y la retaguardia y resulta la conclusión congruente del principio democrático. Alemania no lo entendió así y por eso vio caer al Kaiser, por sostener una maquinaria militar insuflada con el principio legitimista. En efecto, con Jünger se rompe cualquier ligazón con el viejo régimen, y se abre la "revolución conservadora", tan polémica y tan molesta para varios conservadores de vieja cepa.
Uno, cuando lee el ensayo, siente que el mundo se resquebraja. Uno puede ser un ludita, pero realmente, si quiere tener relevancia política, ya no puede prescindir de la técnica. El Estado, en plena ebullición, realizando su esencia de dominio completo sobre los cuerpos e individuos. La nueva Alemania no podría sino, sacudida de los viejos prejuicios, retomar las lecciones aprendidas e la Primera guerra mundial.
Uno, cuando lee el ensayo, siente que el mundo se resquebraja. Uno puede ser un ludita, pero realmente, si quiere tener relevancia política, ya no puede prescindir de la técnica. El Estado, en plena ebullición, realizando su esencia de dominio completo sobre los cuerpos e individuos. La nueva Alemania no podría sino, sacudida de los viejos prejuicios, retomar las lecciones aprendidas e la Primera guerra mundial.
September 10, 2023
Ernst Jünger’s seminal work, “Total Mobilization,” written in 1930, remains a foundational text in the examination of modern warfare and its societal ramifications. As an accomplished German soldier and writer, Jünger offers a compelling analysis of the transition from conventional warfare to total mobilization during and after World War I. This book review aims to assess the book’s enduring significance within the academic discourse of military science and sociology.
In “Total Mobilization,” Jünger meticulously dissects the evolution of warfare from the classical paradigms of limited conflict to the all-encompassing nature of total war. Drawing from his own experiences as a soldier during World War I, he provides an insider’s perspective on the mechanization and dehumanization of combat. Jünger explores the blurring of lines between military and civilian life, shedding light on the profound transformations in society resulting from total mobilization.
Jünger astutely examines how advancements in technology, particularly in weaponry and transportation, led to a mechanization of warfare. He delves into the psychological impact of these changes on soldiers, highlighting the erosion of traditional heroism and the emergence of the “steel soldier.” Jünger’s vivid descriptions of the trenches and modern weaponry underscore the dehumanizing effects of industrialized warfare.
The book foresees the rise of totalitarian regimes and the fusion of military and civilian life. Jünger’s prescient analysis of total war as a means of societal control anticipates the horrors of World War II and the Holocaust. He argues that total mobilization inherently blurs the boundaries between war and peace, subordinating the individual to the state apparatus.
Jünger contemplates the alienation of the individual in a world dominated by total mobilization. He examines the tension between conforming to the collective and maintaining individuality. This theme resonates with existentialist and sociological perspectives, making “Total Mobilization” relevant beyond its immediate historical context.
Jünger’s critique of modernity extends beyond the military realm. He questions the effects of industrialization, mass society, and the erosion of traditional values on the human condition. This critical analysis invites readers to reflect on the enduring consequences of modernity in contemporary society.
Ernst Jünger’s “Total Mobilization” remains a seminal work in the study of modern warfare and its societal implications. His insightful examination of mechanization, dehumanization, and the blurring of war and peace continues to inform discussions in military science, sociology, and political philosophy. This book is essential reading for scholars and researchers seeking a profound understanding of the complex interplay between warfare, technology, and society in the 20th century and beyond.
GPT
In “Total Mobilization,” Jünger meticulously dissects the evolution of warfare from the classical paradigms of limited conflict to the all-encompassing nature of total war. Drawing from his own experiences as a soldier during World War I, he provides an insider’s perspective on the mechanization and dehumanization of combat. Jünger explores the blurring of lines between military and civilian life, shedding light on the profound transformations in society resulting from total mobilization.
Jünger astutely examines how advancements in technology, particularly in weaponry and transportation, led to a mechanization of warfare. He delves into the psychological impact of these changes on soldiers, highlighting the erosion of traditional heroism and the emergence of the “steel soldier.” Jünger’s vivid descriptions of the trenches and modern weaponry underscore the dehumanizing effects of industrialized warfare.
The book foresees the rise of totalitarian regimes and the fusion of military and civilian life. Jünger’s prescient analysis of total war as a means of societal control anticipates the horrors of World War II and the Holocaust. He argues that total mobilization inherently blurs the boundaries between war and peace, subordinating the individual to the state apparatus.
Jünger contemplates the alienation of the individual in a world dominated by total mobilization. He examines the tension between conforming to the collective and maintaining individuality. This theme resonates with existentialist and sociological perspectives, making “Total Mobilization” relevant beyond its immediate historical context.
Jünger’s critique of modernity extends beyond the military realm. He questions the effects of industrialization, mass society, and the erosion of traditional values on the human condition. This critical analysis invites readers to reflect on the enduring consequences of modernity in contemporary society.
Ernst Jünger’s “Total Mobilization” remains a seminal work in the study of modern warfare and its societal implications. His insightful examination of mechanization, dehumanization, and the blurring of war and peace continues to inform discussions in military science, sociology, and political philosophy. This book is essential reading for scholars and researchers seeking a profound understanding of the complex interplay between warfare, technology, and society in the 20th century and beyond.
GPT
October 24, 2023
There was much writing about second world war, but arguably first is the one worthy of writing. While second one grounded the liberal- democratic world other, first one removed it's main opposition. Junger in this one brings to light the fact that it's the first conflict which totalized it's reality. For the Entante it was crusade which subjugated every aspect of life. Everyone was a combatant, and it included political structure of these states which was far more efficient at conscripting people to it. In fact, he blames loss of Germany on inability of totalizing itself for the war, causing destruction of it's system. This explains his really romance with Nazism, at it proposed political structure which totalized society for the conflict, but proven to be incompetent and nationalistic-esoteric, but extension of Weimar degeneracy.
December 7, 2021
«Der [Erste] Weltkrieg wurde nicht nur zwischen zwei Gruppen von Nationen, sondern auch zwischen zwei Zeitaltern ausgetragen, und in diesem Sinne gibt es sowohl Sieger als Besiegte bei uns zuland.»
«Das alte Glockenspiel des Kreml ist auf die Melodie der Internationale umgestellt. In. Konstantinopel buchstabieren die Schulkinder statt der alten Arabesken des Korans die lateinische Schrift. In Neapel und Palermo ordnen faschistische Polizisten das Treiben des südlichen Lebens nach den Grundsätzen der modernen Verkehrsdisziplin. In den fernsten und fast noch sagenhaften Ländern der Welt werden Parlamentsgebäude eingeweiht. Die Abstraktheit, also auch die Grausamkeit, aller menschlichen Verhältnisse nimmt ununterbrochen zu. Der Patriotismus wird durch einen neuen, stark mit Bewußtseinselementen durchsetzten Nationalismus abgelöst Im Faschismus, im Bolschewismus, im Amerikanismus, im Zionismus, in den Bewegungen der farbigen Völker setzt der Fortschritt zu Vorstößen an, die man bisher für undenkbar gehalten hätte;»
«Insbesondere sind Sozialismus und Nationalismus die beiden großen Mühlsteine, zwischen denen der Fortschritt die Reste der alten Welt und endlich sich selbst zermalt.»
«Das alte Glockenspiel des Kreml ist auf die Melodie der Internationale umgestellt. In. Konstantinopel buchstabieren die Schulkinder statt der alten Arabesken des Korans die lateinische Schrift. In Neapel und Palermo ordnen faschistische Polizisten das Treiben des südlichen Lebens nach den Grundsätzen der modernen Verkehrsdisziplin. In den fernsten und fast noch sagenhaften Ländern der Welt werden Parlamentsgebäude eingeweiht. Die Abstraktheit, also auch die Grausamkeit, aller menschlichen Verhältnisse nimmt ununterbrochen zu. Der Patriotismus wird durch einen neuen, stark mit Bewußtseinselementen durchsetzten Nationalismus abgelöst Im Faschismus, im Bolschewismus, im Amerikanismus, im Zionismus, in den Bewegungen der farbigen Völker setzt der Fortschritt zu Vorstößen an, die man bisher für undenkbar gehalten hätte;»
«Insbesondere sind Sozialismus und Nationalismus die beiden großen Mühlsteine, zwischen denen der Fortschritt die Reste der alten Welt und endlich sich selbst zermalt.»
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