In Volume 1 of his influential and magnificent The Gulag Archipelago, Russian writer and camp-survivor Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn wrote about how the system of prison and forced labour camps arose in the 1920’s in the Soviet Union. More than a reaction to the Soviets’ victory in the Civil War, the Gulag-system was a direct offshoot from communist ideology. Communism, as instated by Lenin and intensified by Stalin, preached a radical collectivism: mass confiscation by the state of all property and means of production and the erection of a totalitarian bureaucracy to redistribute products and property.
Forced labour – really a system of concentration camps through which hundreds of millions of innocents passed, and where tens of millions perished – was a logical outcome of communism, but also an important pillar on which the ideology rested. People who, in a healthy society, are considered prisoners – thieves, murderers, rapists – were considered to be victims of bourgeois society; people who, in a healthy society, are considered ordinary citizens, were considered to be prisoners. Communism inverted guilty and innocent – or rather, it eradicated the concept of ‘guilt’ – the camp was the destination for anyone whom the state deemed it to be expedient to be a prisoner. Quotas had to be fulfilled; bureaucrats had to make careers; the state had to produce food, products and services for low costs (i.e. free) – hence, millions of prisoners were needed.
In Volume 1 of The Gulag Archipelago, Solzhenitsyn not only explained how this system started and developed; how Lenin created the Law Codes to justify these crimes; how Stalin sent wave after wave to disappear in this system of sewage disposal; most of all, he explained what arrest, imprisonment, interrogation and transport (to distribution centres and to camps) meant to the person involved. And how it felt. Throughout Volume 1, Solzhenitsyn is able to give detailed descriptions of the horrible conditions under which prisoners were treated, and how prisoners were gradually broken down and worn out, to make them submit to the even more brutal conditions of the Gulag.
In Volume 2, Solzhenitsyn leaves this period of arrest, imprisonment, interrogation, conviction and transport. This book – again a huge tome, spanning almost 700 pages – is focused solely on the Gulag, the camps. He starts by explaining how the first camps already started functioning in the early twenties (even when the Civil War was still raging). Back then, the churches on the Solovsky Islands, an inhospitable, harsh region in north-western Russia, were confiscated by the state and prisoners were gradually sent there. The whole region soon developed into a brutal forced labour regime, where prisoners had to dig out entire canals. It is almost impossible to convey the brutality the prisoner faced: logging trees, digging in mines or building canals for more than twelve hours a day, on 150 grams of bread and a cup of water. They had to do all this without any tools or technology; if they had some, they were built from wood and were so primitive that they either broke down or that the construction project was a complete failure. (And we all know the consequences this latter option implicated…). To show the deranged nature of the Soviet system: even locks had to be created from wood.
Since the Soviet Union was based on communism, and communism portrays itself to be an economic ideology, it is interesting to make an analysis of the costs and benefits of this way of structuring society. The benefits? Canals that were dug so primitively and under such idiotic conditions, that they were never officially taken into use. Solzhenitsyn describes the building of the White Sea-Baltic Sea and the Moscow-Volga canals by forced labour – but of course this has to be multiplied by hundreds, or even thousands, of such projects. The costs? 250.000 people perished building the White Sea-Baltic Sea canal; 200.000 people perished building the Moscow-Volga canal. But never mind this – labour force, after all, is infinitely replaceable. It has cost the state absolutely nothing; well, maybe the food and clothes (if one can speak of these things, at all), but anything else was build on exploitation of human beings.
And this was just in the 1920’s, when the Soviet Union was still in tatters and when Lenin even introduced policies of market economy to recover as quickly as possible (Oh, hypocrisy!). When Stalin took over, the whole Gulag system spread far and wide and intensified – in duration (sentences ranged from 10-25 years), in brutality (many millions of people died) and in number (at the end of Stalin’s reign, all of Russia was covered with watch towers and barbed wire). Solzhenitsyn, himself a camp and cancer survivor, compares the Gulag system to cancer: the Gulag system developed, metastasized, and hardened. This comparison is very helpful in understanding this monstrous piece of history.
After this short historical explanation, Solzhenitsyn then uses almost 80% of Volume 2 to explain all the inns and outs of camp life. He divides this up into groups of people; for example, explaining how women suffered from camp life, how thieves ruled the camps, how political prisoners were treated, how people were recruited to spy on follow inmates (the trusties and stool pigeons). The picture that emerges is a system of forced labour that was ultimately bureaucratically enforced from above (i.e. Moscow), but which was in practice composed of layers of hierarchies. The Soviets used human nature to make things work for them: by introducing (unreachable) work norms they gave themselves the stick with which to punish prisoners randomly. They set up shock workers and competition between work brigades to make the prisoners work effectively and efficiently (One wonders why communism accepted this form of free market competition….).
In general, everyone was set up against everyone, all day and on all domains (food, work, bunks, social relations, etc.). By doing this, the state thought up a brilliant scheme that allowed a handful of guards to oversee hundreds of thousands of prisoners that freely submitted to the most horrible conditions a human being can think of. This same mechanism, by the way, can be seen when one looks at the American slave trade or the Holocaust. People who submit freely to the most inhumane conditions, only because of fear and division.
Alas, the main port of Volume 2, which deals with the life of the persons in camp, is interesting but can become rather long winded. Example after example after example. After 250 pages, one gets the picture just fine: in camp, the prisoner was submitted to anything one can think of, and then some. It doesn’t really matter if Solzhenitsyn explains the fate of men, women, political prisoners, thieves – the USSR’s slogan ‘From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs’ is very appropriate here. Women, of course, were degraded and humiliated by gang rapes, enforced prostitution, all kinds of perverse torture, but also by horrible working conditions and plain violence. And so were the men, just in different ways. And the distinction between political and non-political prisoner wasn’t really important for the experience of camp life as well – only when it came to amnesties and decrees.
Anyway, the first 600 pages of the book, except for the historical explanation of the Gulag system, are all about these camp experiences. This makes the book somewhat less focused, and less impressive as a political argument than Volume1. But the experiences themselves are heart-breaking, unbelievable and simply unthinkable. Solzhenitsyn somewhere states that the stories of these human beings (many of whom perished in the camps long before the book was published) serve as a statement: the lives and experiences of these people deserve to be written down in history’s book.
Just like in Volume 1, Solzhenitsyn doesn’t shy away from naming and shaming. While protecting his sources by hiding full names, he doesn’t protect the perpetrators and career bureaucrats who convicted innocent people by the thousands and tortured, killed and punished millions more. One can read Solzhenitsyn’s own hate towards these people, and this is entirely understandable. It in no way affects the factual side of the stories, while it conveys the inhumanity of the Soviet Union very strongly.
The last part of the book, less than 10% of the whole volume, is the most interesting part. In part 4, Solzhenitsyn goes off on a philosophical and psychological tour de force. He reflects on what life in a forced labour camp – brutal, repetitive and meaningless work, under harsh, inhumane conditions, and for decades long (!) - does to a person. According to him, the Gulag separates the wheat from the chaff. The camp shows who is good and who is bad. The fault line between the two is located not in society, but in the heart of a human being. People can be both good and bad, at different places and at different times. It is your decisions in a your reaction to a particular situation and time that make you good or bad. And according to Solzhenitsyn, most of the camps were filled with bad people. People who cheated, lied, thieved, murdered and snitched their way to survival – opportunists with the motto ‘Rather you than me, today’. A minority of people stuck to their own convictions and morality, mostly intellectuals who were born and raised to be ethical people. Usually the cost of such behaviour was death, but sometimes someone managed to survive. It is these people that Solzhenitsyn puts on a pedestal.
Solzhenitsyn’s philosophy is simple. A person arrested, imprisoned, tortured, interrogated, convicted, transported to camp and entering camp life for the first time, is someone who has to renounce everything and everyone he has. His life is over the moment he enters the camp. And then life truly begins; deprived of everything, such a person can flee inside his own mind – the one and only bastion the guards will never be able to take, not even through propaganda. One learns to adapt to camp life, and to reflect on one’s past life. The future doesn’t exist anymore. In a sense, this is almost a mode of contemplation (it resounds somewhat like the Christian martyrs who were persecuted heavily under the Roman Empire).
Camp life forces the human being to show his or her true colours. Am I good or bad? There’s no hiding my face anymore. Am I unconquerable and free, or suffering and lowly? Solzhenitsyn’s philosophy sounds like Nietzsche on steroids. Nietzsche claimed life is suffering, and it’s the way that one responds to life’s sufferings that determines who one is. But while Nietzsche was never really put to the test – his suffering comprised a professorship-turned-sour, a love that never was, and a failing eyesight – Solzhenitsyn was able to see this existentialist claim unfold in reality.
He states that communis opinion (especially under survivors and intellectuals) is that people are bad in essence and just tried to survive. He also states that, although most people in the Soviet Union fell for the corruption and deceit, there were much more good people than is accepted in general. He mentions examples of how inmates helped each other, and how even state officials and civil servants sometimes tried to help – even though most of all the people – officials and civilians alike – were picking survival over humanity.
The Soviet Union was a society that was structured – on purpose – to create continuous feelings mistrust, secrecy, fear and helplessness, which permeated to every nook and cranny. Anyone could be an informer for the NKVD (later KGB): spouses informed on their partner, even children denounced their parents. The goal of these policies was to create a maximally divided society, in which every person was on its own and could be hauled off to the camps every moment. This is a society in which the people in power can control every aspect of every person’s life. Totalitarianism.
(It is interesting to note here that the Soviets had a youth movement that indoctrinated generation after generation on the threat of internal enemies of communism – the future bureaucrats and camp guards. Even Hitler and his Hitler-jugend bleaks in comparison.)
To end this review, it is interesting quote Solzhenitsyn on the effects of such a policy of mass fear, secrecy and mistrust.
“In 1949 the father of a girl who was a fellow student of V.I.’s was arrested. In these cases everyone would shun such a student, and that was considered natural. But V.I. did not shun her, and openly expressed sympathy with the girl, and tried to find ways to help her out. Frightened by such unusual conduct, the girl rejected V.I.’s help and participation, and lied to him, saying she did not believe in the innocence of her arrested father, and that he had evidently concealed his crime from his family all his life. (And it was only during the times of Khrushchev, that their tongues were loosened: the girl told him she had decided he was either a police informer or else a member of an anti-Soviet organization out to rope in the dissatisfied.)
This universal mutual mistrust had the effect of deepening the mass-grave pit of slavery. The moment someone began to speak up frankly, everyone stepped back and shunned him: “A provocation?” And therefore anyone who burst out with a sincere protest was predestined to loneliness and alienation.” (p. 636)
Anyone who was only superficially related to someone arrested, was excommunicated by everyone around him/her. This is how a society tries to continue in the face of continuous terror and threat. People would offer servitude to those in power; they would retreat into secrecy and mistrust others; they would act ignorant; they would inform on others (either voluntarily, out of fear, or as a recruited informant); they would betray anyone without the blink of an eye; become corrupt and cruel.
In such a society, the masses – always bending for those in power, out of sheer egoism and survival – will throw anyone to the wolves. “If I can just escape this sticky situation. I’ll do anything to live.” Stalin was able, through his reign of terror, to totally control the masses. He was able to do this, only because he disposed of all the people who thought for themselves and were critical of inhumane ways and repression. People who saw through the façade of communism: it was not the rule of the workers, and certainly not ‘To each according to his needs’, it was fascism plain and simple. There really is no different between Hitler and Stalin, or Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia.
It is important to repeat that the intelligentsia almost always serves as a bulwark to primitive emotions. The masses are easily stirred up and are controlled easily through psychology. All dictators and regimes fear the intelligentsia, because criticism sows doubt. And doubt leads to reflecting on what’s good and what’s bad. This is counterproductive to oppression and exploitation.
“Nowadays it is quite convenient to declare that arrest was a lottery (Ehrenburg). Yes, it was a lottery all right, but some of the numbers were ‘fixed’. They threw out a general dragnet and arrested in accordance with assigned quota figures, yes, but every person who objected publicly they grabbed that very minute! And it turned into a selection on the basis of souls, not a lottery! Those who were bold fell beneath the axe, were sent off to the Archipelago – and the picture of the monotonously obedient freedom remained unruffled. All those who were purer and better could not stay in that society; and without them it kept getting more and more trashy. You would not notice these quiet departures at all. But they were, in fact, the dying of the soul of the people.” (p. 642)
Notice the emphasis on quota figures. The Soviet Union was a state that enforced order through rigid control. Quota figures, consequences, net benefits were leading; human beings were just a means to reach the desired outcome. And the intelligentsia were an obstacle, a hindrance, since they exposed the insanity of the plan.
(This also parallels Hitler’s ‘Du bist nichts, dein Volk ist alles!’ and ‘Deutschland über alles!’ – the German people were to be sacrificed in order to the reach the desired outcome: world domination (‘Lebensraum’) and the destruction of the Jews (‘Judenfrage’). Also in this case, the intelligentsia was a major nuisance – it’s just that most of them fled to other parts of the world; those remained either converted to Nazism (Heidegger, Heisenberg, etc.) or were among the first to perish in camps.)
The Gulag Archipelago is a timeless monument of History. In my opinion, it should be part of curricula on schools. It will open the eyes off all these younger generations of people, who have grown up in wealth, health and prosperity and who take progress for granted. Most of those people have leanings towards Marxism (although it is mostly cultural, as opposed to economic, Marxism nowadays). These people have no inkling about their own place in history; their ignorance makes them live off the savings of earlier generations, and they’re squandering everything pretty fast. Personal liberty, and economic liberty (albeit in clearly circumscribed areas) are among the most exalted human discoveries – ever. We should take note of past mistakes, learn from them, and recognize totalitarianism for what it is – especially in the age of the internet.
(Cf. China’s implementation of a digital system that rewards people ‘social credits’ for good deeds. Of course the ‘good’ is defined by the Party, and through in-built incentives, those in power can steer the masses to act accordingly. You don’t want to follow our policies and views? All right, you won’t get credits, hence you will not be able to live in a city or have a job.)