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Δύο ώρες διαύγειας: Συνομιλίες του Νόαμ Τσόμσκι με τον Ντενί Ρομπέρ και τη Βερόνικα Ζαράχοβιτς: Σιένα, 22 Νοεμβρίου 1999
Μια μοναχική αλλά τολμηρή φωνή αντιμέτωπη με την τεράστια δύναμη των μέσων μαζικής ενημέρωσης, τις αλλεπάλληλες ψεύτικες δηλώσεις ουδετερότητας και τις απίστευτες πληροφορίες που κυκλοφορούν: η φωνή του Νόαμ Τσόμσκι. Σε ηλικία 78 ετών, είναι ένα μνημείο αντικουλτούρας. Από τον πόλεμο του Βιετνάμ, αυτός ο ριζοσπάστης διανοητής καταδικάζει την οργάνωση του κόσμου προς όφελος των οικονομικών ολιγαρχιών.
Σ' αυτές τις ελεύθερες, παράδοξες και αιχμηρές συζητήσεις, ο Νόαμ Τσόμσκι αποκρυπτογραφεί τους μηχανισμούς της κοινωνίας της αγοράς, την αόρατη οικονομία, την κατασκευή συναίνεσης, τα κέντρα εξουσίας...
Πίσω από τη φαινομενική ουδετερότητα του συστήματος των μέσων μαζικής ενημέρωσης κρύβονται προϋποθέσεις που καταρρέουν όταν απογυμνωθούν. Γι' αυτό ο Νόαμ Τσόμσκι παραμένει αναντικατάστατος: αυτές οι "Δυο ώρες διαύγειας" προσφέρουν ένα υπέροχο αντίδοτο στις ψεύτικες ενδείξεις.
Σ' αυτές τις ελεύθερες, παράδοξες και αιχμηρές συζητήσεις, ο Νόαμ Τσόμσκι αποκρυπτογραφεί τους μηχανισμούς της κοινωνίας της αγοράς, την αόρατη οικονομία, την κατασκευή συναίνεσης, τα κέντρα εξουσίας...
Πίσω από τη φαινομενική ουδετερότητα του συστήματος των μέσων μαζικής ενημέρωσης κρύβονται προϋποθέσεις που καταρρέουν όταν απογυμνωθούν. Γι' αυτό ο Νόαμ Τσόμσκι παραμένει αναντικατάστατος: αυτές οι "Δυο ώρες διαύγειας" προσφέρουν ένα υπέροχο αντίδοτο στις ψεύτικες ενδείξεις.
221 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2001
About the author
Noam Chomsky
1,016 books17.5k followersAvram Noam Chomsky is an American professor and public intellectual known for his work in linguistics, political activism, and social criticism. Sometimes called "the father of modern linguistics", Chomsky is also a major figure in analytic philosophy and one of the founders of the field of cognitive science. He is a laureate professor of linguistics at the University of Arizona and an institute professor emeritus at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). Among the most cited living authors, Chomsky has written more than 150 books on topics such as linguistics, war, and politics. In addition to his work in linguistics, since the 1960s Chomsky has been an influential voice on the American left as a consistent critic of U.S. foreign policy, contemporary capitalism, and corporate influence on political institutions and the media.
Born to Ashkenazi Jewish immigrants (his father was William Chomsky) in Philadelphia, Chomsky developed an early interest in anarchism from alternative bookstores in New York City. He studied at the University of Pennsylvania. During his postgraduate work in the Harvard Society of Fellows, Chomsky developed the theory of transformational grammar for which he earned his doctorate in 1955. That year he began teaching at MIT, and in 1957 emerged as a significant figure in linguistics with his landmark work Syntactic Structures, which played a major role in remodeling the study of language. From 1958 to 1959 Chomsky was a National Science Foundation fellow at the Institute for Advanced Study. He created or co-created the universal grammar theory, the generative grammar theory, the Chomsky hierarchy, and the minimalist program. Chomsky also played a pivotal role in the decline of linguistic behaviorism, and was particularly critical of the work of B.F. Skinner.
An outspoken opponent of U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War, which he saw as an act of American imperialism, in 1967 Chomsky rose to national attention for his anti-war essay "The Responsibility of Intellectuals". Becoming associated with the New Left, he was arrested multiple times for his activism and placed on President Richard M. Nixon's list of political opponents. While expanding his work in linguistics over subsequent decades, he also became involved in the linguistics wars. In collaboration with Edward S. Herman, Chomsky later articulated the propaganda model of media criticism in Manufacturing Consent, and worked to expose the Indonesian occupation of East Timor. His defense of unconditional freedom of speech, including that of Holocaust denial, generated significant controversy in the Faurisson affair of the 1980s. Chomsky's commentary on the Cambodian genocide and the Bosnian genocide also generated controversy. Since retiring from active teaching at MIT, he has continued his vocal political activism, including opposing the 2003 invasion of Iraq and supporting the Occupy movement. An anti-Zionist, Chomsky considers Israel's treatment of Palestinians to be worse than South African–style apartheid, and criticizes U.S. support for Israel.
Chomsky is widely recognized as having helped to spark the cognitive revolution in the human sciences, contributing to the development of a new cognitivistic framework for the study of language and the mind. Chomsky remains a leading critic of U.S. foreign policy, contemporary capitalism, U.S. involvement and Israel's role in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and mass media. Chomsky and his ideas are highly influential in the anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist movements. Since 2017, he has been Agnese Helms Haury Chair in the Agnese Nelms Haury Program in Environment and Social Justice at the University of Arizona.
Born to Ashkenazi Jewish immigrants (his father was William Chomsky) in Philadelphia, Chomsky developed an early interest in anarchism from alternative bookstores in New York City. He studied at the University of Pennsylvania. During his postgraduate work in the Harvard Society of Fellows, Chomsky developed the theory of transformational grammar for which he earned his doctorate in 1955. That year he began teaching at MIT, and in 1957 emerged as a significant figure in linguistics with his landmark work Syntactic Structures, which played a major role in remodeling the study of language. From 1958 to 1959 Chomsky was a National Science Foundation fellow at the Institute for Advanced Study. He created or co-created the universal grammar theory, the generative grammar theory, the Chomsky hierarchy, and the minimalist program. Chomsky also played a pivotal role in the decline of linguistic behaviorism, and was particularly critical of the work of B.F. Skinner.
An outspoken opponent of U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War, which he saw as an act of American imperialism, in 1967 Chomsky rose to national attention for his anti-war essay "The Responsibility of Intellectuals". Becoming associated with the New Left, he was arrested multiple times for his activism and placed on President Richard M. Nixon's list of political opponents. While expanding his work in linguistics over subsequent decades, he also became involved in the linguistics wars. In collaboration with Edward S. Herman, Chomsky later articulated the propaganda model of media criticism in Manufacturing Consent, and worked to expose the Indonesian occupation of East Timor. His defense of unconditional freedom of speech, including that of Holocaust denial, generated significant controversy in the Faurisson affair of the 1980s. Chomsky's commentary on the Cambodian genocide and the Bosnian genocide also generated controversy. Since retiring from active teaching at MIT, he has continued his vocal political activism, including opposing the 2003 invasion of Iraq and supporting the Occupy movement. An anti-Zionist, Chomsky considers Israel's treatment of Palestinians to be worse than South African–style apartheid, and criticizes U.S. support for Israel.
Chomsky is widely recognized as having helped to spark the cognitive revolution in the human sciences, contributing to the development of a new cognitivistic framework for the study of language and the mind. Chomsky remains a leading critic of U.S. foreign policy, contemporary capitalism, U.S. involvement and Israel's role in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and mass media. Chomsky and his ideas are highly influential in the anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist movements. Since 2017, he has been Agnese Helms Haury Chair in the Agnese Nelms Haury Program in Environment and Social Justice at the University of Arizona.
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Displaying 1 - 13 of 13 reviews
October 24, 2021
Kitap 20. yüzyılın en etkili dilbilimcilerinden ve siyaset felsefecilerinden olan Noam Chomsky'nin; iktidar, sosyal sınıflar, demokrasi, kapitalizm, medya gibi kavramları kendi anarko-sendikalist ve anti-emperyalist çerçevesiyle aktardığı, kamuoyunun yüzeysel olarak haberdar olduğu (veya hiç olmadığı) dünya siyasi ve ekonomik tarihindeki bir dizi hayati olaydan bahsettiği iki saatlik bir röportajdan oluşuyor. Kitap bilimsel eser statüsünden öte okuyucuya Chomsky'yi ve fikirlerini tanıma imkanı veriyor. Chomsky ise yargıladığı ve kirli çamaşırlarını ortaya döktüğü 'devlet kapitalizmi'nin yarattığı, yarım asırdan fazladır halkın gerçek bir katılımcıdan ziyade bir 'izleyici' olarak kalmasını arzu eden sömürücü demokrasiden bahsediyor. Bunun nezdinde halkın radarından ustaca uzaklaştırılmış çokuluslu şirketlerin ve devletlerin anlaşmalarını, medyanın algı ve manipülasyonlarını, bugün adı dahi anılmayan sayısız skandalları ve bunların verilmemiş, verilmeyecek hesaplarını anlatıyor.
"Onları ikna edebilseydim, kapitalizmi reddetmek zorunda kalırlardı. Sistemi bir kenara bırakıp, iktidarı kökünden yıkma çalışmalarına girmeleri gerekirdi. Çok azı bunu yapmaya hazır olurdu, yapmak isteyenler de sistemin bir parçası olmaktan çıkarlardı. Üstelik benim onlara söyleyeceğim arasında bilmedikleri birşey yok ki. Yalnızca aynı bilgilerden farklı sonuçlar çıkarıyoruz."
"Onları ikna edebilseydim, kapitalizmi reddetmek zorunda kalırlardı. Sistemi bir kenara bırakıp, iktidarı kökünden yıkma çalışmalarına girmeleri gerekirdi. Çok azı bunu yapmaya hazır olurdu, yapmak isteyenler de sistemin bir parçası olmaktan çıkarlardı. Üstelik benim onlara söyleyeceğim arasında bilmedikleri birşey yok ki. Yalnızca aynı bilgilerden farklı sonuçlar çıkarıyoruz."
September 23, 2026
Ogni libro di Chomsky che leggo è sempre migliore del precedente. È stupendo sentire sulla pelle l’entusiasmo che mi generano le sue analisi che erroneamente lui stesso definisce “banali”, o poco stimolanti intellettualmente rispetto all’ambito linguistico: perché meno creative.
Il suo intento è chiaro: rendere più ovvio possibile ogni passaggio analitico della politica americana e internazionale. Direi quasi un modus operandi cartesiano, una logica dell’evidenza. Difatti, Chomsky ribatte più volte che lui dice solo “l’ovvio”, che gli studi dell’avvenire politico raggiungono solo risultati “banali”; tuttavia, non è per nulla semplice agire in tale maniera. Smantellare un’intera argomentazione per mostrare le incongruenze logico-morali è un operazione che richiede una conoscenza ferrea degli avvenimenti e un ottimo buon senso morale, oltre che a una coerenza di pensiero notevole. In poche parole, riesce a semplificare, senza cadere nel superficiale, vicende storiche concernenti i più orrendi casi di cui spesso il colpevole è ignorato, o addirittura lodato.
Detta questa premessa metodologica, è oltremodo immenso il livello di conoscenza ed informazione che Chomsky regala al fine di permettere ai militanti e tutte le persone di avere i mezzi per costruire una coscienza di classe, così da poter vivere realmente in una democrazia, e non in un regime pseudo-democratico dove l’establishment fa “buon viso a cattivo gioco”.
I punti su cui preme di più sono molteplici e, per così dire, soliti da anni oramai. Condanna in molti casi gli statunitensi (senza apparente vergogna) per attentati, stragi, interventi militari che hanno portato a troppi morti, di cui spesso ci si dimentica troppo facilmente.
Ciò che esprime, sono concetti che non andranno a male facilmente, specie se vi è pressione sociale che li garantisce. Alcuni di questi sono la libertà di espressione, il ripudio delle guerre, il pacifismo, antinuclearismo, sostenibilità ecologica, democrazia, e moltissimi altri punti che non starò ad elencare.
La cosa che è d’obbligo imparare da Chomsky è che bisogna informarsi approfonditamente sulle relazioni estere, internazionali, sull’economia e tutto ciò che e riguarda la politica, in modo da poter militare affinché il mondo diventi la casa che tutti vorremmo: libera e democratica. Se dovessi ridurre la sua prospettiva in un unico slogan, esso sarebbe: “studia e milita!”.
Il suo intento è chiaro: rendere più ovvio possibile ogni passaggio analitico della politica americana e internazionale. Direi quasi un modus operandi cartesiano, una logica dell’evidenza. Difatti, Chomsky ribatte più volte che lui dice solo “l’ovvio”, che gli studi dell’avvenire politico raggiungono solo risultati “banali”; tuttavia, non è per nulla semplice agire in tale maniera. Smantellare un’intera argomentazione per mostrare le incongruenze logico-morali è un operazione che richiede una conoscenza ferrea degli avvenimenti e un ottimo buon senso morale, oltre che a una coerenza di pensiero notevole. In poche parole, riesce a semplificare, senza cadere nel superficiale, vicende storiche concernenti i più orrendi casi di cui spesso il colpevole è ignorato, o addirittura lodato.
Detta questa premessa metodologica, è oltremodo immenso il livello di conoscenza ed informazione che Chomsky regala al fine di permettere ai militanti e tutte le persone di avere i mezzi per costruire una coscienza di classe, così da poter vivere realmente in una democrazia, e non in un regime pseudo-democratico dove l’establishment fa “buon viso a cattivo gioco”.
I punti su cui preme di più sono molteplici e, per così dire, soliti da anni oramai. Condanna in molti casi gli statunitensi (senza apparente vergogna) per attentati, stragi, interventi militari che hanno portato a troppi morti, di cui spesso ci si dimentica troppo facilmente.
Ciò che esprime, sono concetti che non andranno a male facilmente, specie se vi è pressione sociale che li garantisce. Alcuni di questi sono la libertà di espressione, il ripudio delle guerre, il pacifismo, antinuclearismo, sostenibilità ecologica, democrazia, e moltissimi altri punti che non starò ad elencare.
La cosa che è d’obbligo imparare da Chomsky è che bisogna informarsi approfonditamente sulle relazioni estere, internazionali, sull’economia e tutto ciò che e riguarda la politica, in modo da poter militare affinché il mondo diventi la casa che tutti vorremmo: libera e democratica. Se dovessi ridurre la sua prospettiva in un unico slogan, esso sarebbe: “studia e milita!”.
January 26, 2017
Έπειτα από κάθε βιβλίο του Noam Chomsky έχει κανείς την εντύπωση, όχι πως δεν συμβαίνει, πως έχει γεμίζει με σκέψεις και παρατηρήσεις πολλών μηνών. Η ζωντάνια του λόγου του και της γραφής του, η οξύτητα των ερμηνειών και των συλλογισμών του, η ποικιλία των θεμάτων με τα οποία καταπιάνεται, και πάνω από όλα, ο απλοϊκή του ανάλυση (στα μη-γλωσσολογικά του βιβλία), ή καλύτερα, όπως ο ίδιος την περιγράφει:
"... αποτελείται βασικά από την αποκάλυψη των ψεμάτων και των αντιφάσεων, από την υπόδειξη των αποφασιστικών παραγόντων και την παράκαμψη εκείνων που έχουν μόνο περιθωριακό ρόλο, από τη σύνθεση μιας ορθολογικής παρουσίασης των θεμάτων που ενδιαφέρουν τον καθένα και από την υποβολή τους στη δοκιμασία της πραγματικότητας."
(Το εν λόγω βιβλίο, σ. 215)
πάντοτε με επιχειρήματα και πληθώρα δεδομένων κάνουν την ανάγνωση των βιβλίων του να μοιάζει με ζωντανό διάλογο και αναμφισβήτητα των καθιστούν ως έναν από τους κορυφαίους εν ζωή διανοητές.
"... αποτελείται βασικά από την αποκάλυψη των ψεμάτων και των αντιφάσεων, από την υπόδειξη των αποφασιστικών παραγόντων και την παράκαμψη εκείνων που έχουν μόνο περιθωριακό ρόλο, από τη σύνθεση μιας ορθολογικής παρουσίασης των θεμάτων που ενδιαφέρουν τον καθένα και από την υποβολή τους στη δοκιμασία της πραγματικότητας."
(Το εν λόγω βιβλίο, σ. 215)
πάντοτε με επιχειρήματα και πληθώρα δεδομένων κάνουν την ανάγνωση των βιβλίων του να μοιάζει με ζωντανό διάλογο και αναμφισβήτητα των καθιστούν ως έναν από τους κορυφαίους εν ζωή διανοητές.
April 23, 2018
Μια πολύ ωραία συνέντευξη που ο κύριος Τσόμσκι μοιράζει μπόλικες πληροφορίες.Σχετικα με την προπαγάνδα των πολυεθνικών κ του κράτους,τη σχέση μεταξύ τους.Επισης αναλύει την εξωτερική πολύτιμη των ΗΠΑ και τα συμφέροντα που αυτή εξυπηρετεί.Σε βάζει να σκεφτείς και να το ψάξεις περισσότερο..
Πάσχει όμως καθώς δεν δίνει ούτε μια λύση.
Ευχάριστο όσο μπορεί να είναι ένα βιβλίο με τέτοιο θέμα,μόνο κ μόνο από τον τρόπο γραφής του και από την θετική του πίστη για την αφύπνιση των πολιτών που μπορεί να αλλάξει τα πάντα..
Πάσχει όμως καθώς δεν δίνει ούτε μια λύση.
Ευχάριστο όσο μπορεί να είναι ένα βιβλίο με τέτοιο θέμα,μόνο κ μόνο από τον τρόπο γραφής του και από την θετική του πίστη για την αφύπνιση των πολιτών που μπορεί να αλλάξει τα πάντα..
August 21, 2020
نوام چامسکی با این کتاب که در مورد امریکا حرف زده دید سیاسی من رو تا حد خوبی متحول کرد و باعث بهتر شدن جهان بینیم شد.فقط درباره ی امریکا صحبت نشده برمه درمورد فاکتور های مختلف امریکا بحث شده مثل دموکراسی رسانه و غیره. و بحثدر اون به کشور های دیگه هم کشیده می شه.
من کتاب رو توصیه می کنم.نوام چامسکی چه به عنوان یک فعال سیاسی و چه به عنوان یک انسان واقعا اموزنده ست.
درمورد رسانه حرف هایی زده شده که ما در اصل باید اون ها رو توی کتاب معروفش کارخانه تولبد رضایت یا تولید توافق بخونیم اما من جایی ترجمه ای از این کتاب بسیار مهم ندیدم.... جالبه!
من کتاب رو توصیه می کنم.نوام چامسکی چه به عنوان یک فعال سیاسی و چه به عنوان یک انسان واقعا اموزنده ست.
درمورد رسانه حرف هایی زده شده که ما در اصل باید اون ها رو توی کتاب معروفش کارخانه تولبد رضایت یا تولید توافق بخونیم اما من جایی ترجمه ای از این کتاب بسیار مهم ندیدم.... جالبه!
June 19, 2016
Nel complesso il libro è interessante ed alcune analisi si Chomsky sono molto istruttive. Tuttavia, essendo un finto anti-sistema, tende a by-passare alcune questioni o a tergiversare diplomaticamente quando gli vengono poste alcune domande. Bel libro ma c'è molto di meglio di giro.
June 2, 2017
I just wish this guy had a louder voice...
February 3, 2026
Πολύ ενδιαφέρουσες συζητήσεις μεταξύ του Ντένις Ρομπέρ ,της Βερόνικα ζαχοβιτς και του Νόαμ Τσόμσκι,που παρόλο το προχωρημένο της ηλικίας του (78 ετών ) οι απόψεις του παραμένουν πάντα επίκαιρες , δυναμικές και αιχμηρές. Οι κύριοι άξονες των συνομιλιών αφορούν τον καπιταλισμό, τα κέντρα εξουσίας και την επιρροή που έχουν στα μέσα μαζικής ενημέρωσης και στη διαμόρφωση της κυβέρνησης,την δημοκρατία στην σημερινή τής μορφή καθώς κάποια θέματα που αφορούν τις ΗΠΑ. Ο τίτλος του βιβλίου δεν θα μπορούσε να είναι περισσότερο ακριβής καθώς οι απόψεις και ο λόγος του Τσόμσκι δίνουν στο αναγνώστη ένα φίλτρο μέσω του οποίου μπορεί να δει το πώς δουλεύει πραγματικά το σύστημα διακυβέρνησης και ο κόσμος.
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December 12, 2024Riflessione interessante, anche se datata riesce a mantenere una sorprendente lucidità nel prevedere fenomeni all'epoca avanguardistici, internet soprattutto
January 11, 2013
2001 yılında kitaplaştırılan bir söyleşi olmasına rağmen halen güncelliğini koruduğunu belirtmeliyim. Kapitalizm, demokrasi, medya ve ABD'ni dış politikaları konusunda genel olarak şekillenen söyleşi çeviri açısından da nitelikli olmuş diyebilirim. Birçok noktda bol bol notlar almak, konular üzerinde okuyucuyu sık sık düşündürmek Chomsky'ın tarzı olsa gerek. Basit ve sade bir anlatımla konulara değinmesi, varolan gerçekliği olduğu gibi yansıtma çabası kendisini diğer enteklektüel aydınlardan arındıran en önemli özelliklerden birisi. Yüzlerce yıldır aydınların ve entellektüellerin halkı pasifize etme, uysallaştırma propagandalarını gözönüne aldığımızda Chomsky gibi aydınların önemini daha da kavramış oluruz. Özellikle demokrasi kavramının tanımı konusunda düşündürttüğünü söyleyebilirim. Demokrasi tam olarak nedir? Demokrasi, halkın, halk tarafından, halk için yönetilme biçimimidir? Yoksa demokrasi sadece seçme ve seçilme(sandık) hakkından mı oluşur? Aslında 5 puan vermeyi düşünüyordum ama biraz düşündükten sonra Marksizm konusunda mutabık olamadığımız için bir puan kırdım.
August 15, 2015
English follows
Η αλήθεια είναι πως περίμενα περισσότερα απ' αυτό το βιβλίο. Ίσως είναι το γεγονός ότι στην ουσία είναι μια συρραφή συνομιλιών σε μορφή συνέντευξης, ίσως το ότι ένα μέγάλο σχετικά μέρος αφιερώνεται στο ν' αποκατασταθή ο Τσόμσκυ στο Γαλλικό κοινό, πάντως, αν και σε μεγάλο βαθμό δεν διαφωνώ με τα όσα παρουσιάζονται, εντούτοις περίμενα ευρύτερη και βαθύτερη ανάλυσι.
It's true that my expectations for that book were higher. It might be the fact that it's essentially a patchwork of conversations in the format of an interview; it might be that a relatively big part of the book aims in restoring Chomsky's reputation to the French public; nevertheless, although to a big extend I don't disagree with the things presented, I was expecting a wider and deeper analysis.
Η αλήθεια είναι πως περίμενα περισσότερα απ' αυτό το βιβλίο. Ίσως είναι το γεγονός ότι στην ουσία είναι μια συρραφή συνομιλιών σε μορφή συνέντευξης, ίσως το ότι ένα μέγάλο σχετικά μέρος αφιερώνεται στο ν' αποκατασταθή ο Τσόμσκυ στο Γαλλικό κοινό, πάντως, αν και σε μεγάλο βαθμό δεν διαφωνώ με τα όσα παρουσιάζονται, εντούτοις περίμενα ευρύτερη και βαθύτερη ανάλυσι.
It's true that my expectations for that book were higher. It might be the fact that it's essentially a patchwork of conversations in the format of an interview; it might be that a relatively big part of the book aims in restoring Chomsky's reputation to the French public; nevertheless, although to a big extend I don't disagree with the things presented, I was expecting a wider and deeper analysis.
January 17, 2017
Noam Chomsky sigue siendo insustituible cuando analiza los mecanismos de la sociedad de mercado o la economía invisible entre otros asuntos y así estas conversaciones de Chomsky con Denis Robert y Weronika Zarachowicz reunidas en Dos horas de lucidez, constituyen un magnífico antídoto contra las falsas apariencias.
October 17, 2014
Just another interview with Chomsky, where he doesnt really justify his positions, just keeps repeating what you would expect from him. Same old Chomsky
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