On December 21, 1989, on Palace Square in Bucharest, Romanian dictator Nicolae Ceausescu gave what was to be his final speech. Ceausescu's decision to appear publicly at the balcony of the Royal Palace was a result of his profound misunderstanding of the national mood in Romania, which was finally beginning to collectively rebel against his 24 year rule. The belief that simply by appearing before his subjects, speaking the standard wooden language and promising inconsequential changes (such as raising salaries and pensions by several percent) he'd calm and satisfy the revolting masses was itself a result of surrounding himself only by opportunists and sycophants for decades - people who'd never question any of his decisions, and would offer only growing praise and adoration for his person.
Ceausescu's speech was meant to boost the popularity of his regime - it was meant to resemble his famous speech from 1968 which he gave at the same venue, and where he openly condemned the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia and distanced himself from the Soviet Union. That speech was a genuine success, and was received enthusiastically both at home and abroad, in the West - Romania became the first nation from the Eastern Bloc to develop official relations with the European Community, whose leaders quickly jumped on his perceived anti-Sovietism and hoped for Ceausescu to become their man in the East. Romania was the only country from the soviet bloc to join the IMF and have diplomatic relations with Israel; Ceausescu visited Emperor Hirohito in Tokyo and Queen Elizabeth at Buckingham Palace. Richard Nixon visited Bucharest in 1969, marking the first visit of an American president to a socialist country since the beginning of the Cold War.
Only the front rows of the crowd were cheering for Ceausescu now; they were comprised of stooges and party apparatchiks, who were ordered to the portraits of him and his wife and wave the national flags. The real reaction was breeding in the background, where just minutes into his speech the crowd began to chant: "Timisoara! Timisoara!" - name of the Romanian city where just several days before police and the military brutally suppressed an anti-government demonstration. At the time, Ceausescu was not even in Romania - he left for a two-day state visit to Iran, leaving the crushing of the demonstration to his wife, Elena, and their subordinates. In an attempt to silence the growing number of revolting people, Ceausescu raised his right hand and attempted to speak to them directly, and the puzzled expression on his face remains one of the enduring images of the fall of communism in Europe.
The confused Ceausescu was eventually escorted from the balcony by his security; he and Elena were taken away from Bucharest on a helicopter, unable to stop the revolution from beginning. As the army has closed Romania's airspace, the helicopter pilot claimed to be in danger from anti-aircraft missiles and landed on a small country road, forcing the Ceausescus to abandon the helicopter and leaving hem with just one personal guard. The Ceausescus eventually managed to hijack a car and have the driver take them to the city of Targoviste, where they were arrested by soldiers from the local garrison. Revolutionary authorities formed a tribunal and tried both Nicolae and Elena for their crimes against the people of Romania. It was a kangaroo court and a Stalinist trial with many false and overblown charges, and even Ceausescu's defense joined with the prosecution and accused them both of capital crimes. Although Nicolae rejected the revolution as a Soviet coup d'etat and the tribunal as unconstitutional, it was no use - they were declared guilty and executed by firing squad five minutes after the verdict, and more than a hundred bullets ripped through Nicolae's and Elena's bodies - the only violent deposition of government in the Eastern Bloc. Although their trial and sentencing was recorded and broadcasted on Romanian television, the execution was carried out quickly in fear of loyalists rescuing the dictators, and only the last round of shots was filmed, along with the grisly images of their dead bodies. As the Ceausescus were led to their death, Nicolae sang The Internationale; Elena reportedly screamed "you motherfuckers!"
To understand Ceausescu's Romania one must first understand both the dictator and his wife, who both have developed extensive cult of personality around themselves. At first Ceausescu began to be identified with Romania as a whole after his surge in popularity in 1968, as a result of his growing opposition to the Soviet Union. But the person whom Western leaders saw as a possible reformist and what they took to be a possibility of creating a schism in the Warsaw Pact was in fact the result of Ceausescu's visit to China and North Korea in 1971. In China, he witnessed Mao Zedong's Cultural Revolution, and in North Korea he met with Kim Il-sung, who introduced him to the idea of Juche - political independence along with self-reliance in the economy and self-defense. Ceausescu took great interest in these ideas - along with the personal way both leaders ruled their countries - and upon his return to Romania began to emulate them.
Soon, along with translations of Kim Il-sung, Romanian bookstores were full of Ceausescu's many books - which the media presented as great contributions to Marxism-Leninism; he took a delight in many titles Romanian writers created for him, such as "Genius of the Carpathians". Similarly to Kim, Ceausescu's rise to power from humble origins was presented in a way reminiscent to Romanian folk tales. By all accounts, Elena was just as self-centered as her husband - despite lacking education she had scientists ghostwrite for her so that she could claim to have made important contributions to the field of chemistry,and thought of herself as Mother of the Nation. It was an ironic name, considering the fact that it was her husband's policy which outlawed abortion as an attempt to increase the falling population, restricting access to contraception and forcing women to take monthly gynecological examinations. Birth rates did increase but so did the number of abandoned children, who were subjected to institutionalized neglect and abuse in overflowing orphanages which they shared with the mentally ill.
Both Ceausescus made sure that films and photographs made of them always showed them in best possible image, retouching all "defects", and engaged in open nepotism, prompting Romanians to joke that they were creating "socialism in one family" - a sad joke in a country which Ceausescu surveilled through the Securitate, an everpresent and invisible secret police force which penetrated all levels of society and could have outmatched both the Stasi and the KGB in brutality. In his vanity, Ceausescu even had a special order made just for him - a "Presidential Sceptre", which prompted Salvador Dali to send him an ironic letter of congratulations. The state media, not daring to see the sarcasm, published it as proof of greatness of the country's leader, and his portraits and posters continued to grace its streets and avenues.
Although Ceausescu's opposition to Soviet influence attracted Western powers to Romania and could secure heavy loans on political grounds, poor and inflexible central planning focused on heavy industry led to stagnation of the mismanaged economy, and increased the country's foreign debt 10 times. While Ceausescu managed to secure a line of credit from the IMF and pay the huge debt in 1989, he did so by adopting a disastrous austerity policy which drastically lowered living standards of average citizens, led to shortages and rationing of basic foodstuffs. Cuts in energy and heating left the streets dark and houses cold, but kindled in Romanians a frustration aimed personally against Ceausescu, which ultimately erupted into the Revolution of 1989.
Which finally brings me to Patrick McGuinness's debut novel, .The Last Hundred Days, which was published and made the Booker longlist in 2011. McGuinness does a good job at depicting a city at the gates of a revolution, with a deep disquiet running underneath and something large and defining just one step ahead - history at the verge of the making. But McGuinness's book is a novel, and novels can contain history but ultimately are dramatizations of it - and this is a case where we can't not see it. McGuinness's narrator is an unnamed young English expat, whose arrival at Bucharest is hardly believable (he secured a teaching position without even appearing at the interview) and the whole novel becomes more fiction than fact from there. The narrator comes into contact with Bucharest's elite and the downtrodden without any effort, and is universally accepted and befriended by all of them, instantly integrating into a completely new culture. Other characters - when they don't serve as explanations for ideological points - befriend him, confide in him, even fall in love with him. Which brings me to my next point - the narrator's main Bucharest insider, Leo, is a character who can appear only in fiction: he has almost limitless abilities and connections, and is able to get away with almost everything (in a totalitarian state nonetheless). The narrator's main love interest, Cilea, is a wealthy socialite who somehow develops a romantic relationship with him when she's not taking trips to Paris in her free time. I can accept the existence of such characters and even the fact that the narrator could meet one of them, but what luck did he had to posses to met and become intimately involved with both in a country infiltrated by a secret police and where people froze down in their unheated homes?
Since the novel feature a known historical background we know how it's going to end - we know how the revolution will play itself out, and the only thing is to dramatize it. And there lies my main problem with this novel - although it wasn't meant to be exploitative it borders on being so. Bucharest and Romania at the time are nothing more to the main character - the suffering, oppression and deficiency that McGuinness illustrates are ultimately little more than an exotic adventure from which he, an expat, can always safely return home and parents he escaped from in the first place. There's never any real sense of danger towards the main character, and his feelings remain hidden in the shadows - which robs the whole experience from intended meaning, and gives it a new one, immortalized by the Sex Pistols - "a cheap holiday in other people's misery".