"Politics is the art of the possible," Otto Von Bismarck famously said, and here, in his own words, the art of politics is laid bare by one of the most prominent and influential European statesmen of the nineteenth century. These are the intimate reflections and reminiscences of the man who unified the independent Germanic states into one nation, and whose subsequent promotion of the new country's colonial ambitions earned him the title of the founder of the German empire. This second volume of what must be considered an essential historical document details the beginnings of Bismarck's attempts to consolidate the German states and his confrontations with the military through the political intrigues of the young nation and Bismarck's contentious relationship with the crown after unification. It is vital reading for any informed, in-depth understanding of modern European history. AUTHOR OTTO EDUARD LEOPOLD VON BISMARCK (1815-1898) was born into a family that had belonged to the nobility from the fourteenth century. He studied law at the Universities of Göttingen and Berlin, and later served as prime minister of Prussia, from 1862 to 1873, and as Germany's first chancellor, from 1871 to 1890.
Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismarck (also Otto Furst von Bismarck), Count of Bismarck-Schönhausen, Duke of Lauenburg, Prince of Bismarck (April 1, 1815 – July 30, 1898), was a Prussian and German statesman of the 19th century. As Minister-President of Prussia from 1862–90, he oversaw the unification of Germany. From 1867 on, he was Chancellor of the North German Confederation. When the second German Empire was formed in 1871, he served as its first Chancellor and practiced Realpolitik which gained him the nickname "Iron Chancellor". As Chancellor, Bismarck held an important role in German government and greatly influenced German and international politics both during and after his time of service.
Without much background in 19th century European history, I was surprised to find Bismarck to be such a reasonable person. Often one sees quotes from him decrying the free press or representative government, but one rarely hears his quotes decrying absolute monarchy or overbearing, centralized bureaucracy, or the destructive tendencies of political partiesor calling for honest dealings and peace in international affairs. One finds such quotes here. It seems that he wants almost an Aristotelian "virtuous mean" in government; not too centralized, for that is stifling, nor too distributed, for that is easily divided against itself; not too strong a king, nor too weak or no king; not a Germany supreme and conquering others (he recognizes that this leads to enemies unifying against you; "the fate of the second French Empire", and moreover that Germany's central position in Europe puts it at great danger from coalition wars), nor a Germany weak and conquered by others.
Coming from a military family, I tend towards the "seeking total victory" perspective which he criticizes and works against in his military colleagues (as exemplified by his prevention of the siege of Vienna). Bismarck wants victory, but victory that leaves no permanent injuries, and makes no permanent enemies who Germany might later want for allies. This seems like a very robust, healthy old-style male perspective; "I will happily fight you for what is rightfully mine, but still want to drink with you tomorrow. We're not enemies, just sorting out a particular issue, and there's no need for this to escalate to Iceland-style blood feud for the next five generations if we sort it out right here in this parking lot and then put it behind us."
Bismarck does not have many kind things to say about priests. Or socialists. Or women who involve themselves in politics. If that galls you, rejoice that you are alive today and not in 19th century Prussia, I guess.
Structurally, the book often seems to ramble off on tangents about various European crises I had never heard of. Bismarck also often quotes at length from personal letters, which can be long, but this habit grew on me over the course of the book. The quotations from the letters of Emperor William I were downright heartwarming. I wish I had a boss like that ("loyal masters have loyal servants.")
I am left with a couple of questions: * How did Bismarck come to hold the belief that unifying Germany was so imperative? This seems axiomatic for him throughout the entire book, though he often has to balance it against his loyalty to the kings of Prussia. Did he come to this belief by watching the unification of France? Perhaps this is addressed in Volume 1... (As an aside, it was a breath of fresh air to read a nationalist who could hardly be classified as a supremacist; the two are so often conflated lately) * How did Germany go so wrong in the 20th century? Bismarck seems to have had a really good handle on the European situation, and to have understood that war with both France and Russia was a recipe for disaster. I almost wonder if his long career led to too great a reliance in Germany on his personal ability, and if he left no able successor. Perhaps this is addressed in Volume 3...
„Otto Fürst von Bismarck: Gedanken und Erinnerungen“ offenbart den Mann jenseits der Legende des Sozialreformers: Bismarck (1815 - 1898), der Architekt der Kongokonferenz 1884/85, zeigt hier sein strategisches und oft eigensinniges Kalkül auf der internationalen Bühne. Die Memoiren geben Einblick in seine Machtspiele, sein politisches Gespür und seine rücksichtslosen Entscheidungen, die den Verlauf der Weltgeschichte beeinflussten. Historisch wertvoll und sprachlich prägnant, lassen sie den „Eisernen Kanzler“ als ebenso genialen wie ambivalenten Akteur erkennen – ein Staatmann, der Globalpolitik und koloniale Realpolitik meisterhaft orchestrierte. Wer Bismarck nur mit Sozialgesetzgebung verbindet, wird hier unweigerlich eines Besseren belehrt.