This book was lent to me by a friend after he found out I read “Destiny of the Republic”, the Candace Millard novel that focuses on the shooting and the failed medical care for President James A. Garfield. I was a little bit skeptical that I needed to read more about the Garfield presidency, but this book and the Millard book compliment each other quite well. Millard focuses largely on the shooting and the aftermath, including the efforts of Alexander Graham Bell to help save the president’s life. This book focuses on the politics surrounding Garfield’s election. The shooting gets a little bit of play; the story of the failure of Garfield’s lead doctor is not told here at all.
If you like to read about political process - not tabloid banter, not meaningless outrage of the day clickbait - actual political process - this book is probably the definitive discussion of the 1880 presidential election in the United States. Starting with introductions to the characters involved in the Republican convention and continuing through the battles of the initial months of the new presidency, the book provides a comprehensive view of everybody angling for office, the rigors of contested nominations and the challenges that are faced afterwards, the delicate nature of national elections, and how people respond to winning elections.
It is not clear if James Garfield went to Chicago in 1880 intending to seek the nomination. Long before primaries decided candidates, party delegates decided for themselves, and everybody convened at the convention to haggle, debate, vote, and then assemble the presidential team.
The 1880 convention was particularly contested. The third term issue has long been settled in America, but before the constitutional amendment, Ulysses Grant, a favorite of the New York powers, decided to try his turn at returning to office four years after ceding the office to Ohio man Rutherford B. Hayes. The Hayes administration - defined from the start by the contested 1876 election and the compromises that settled the process, itself a fascinating story - had lost many of its supporters and Hayes himself was eager to get out of the White House. Challenging Grant was Senator James Blaine, a fast rising senator from Maine with a more progressive bent. Neither had the necessary votes to win the nomination heading into Chicago thanks to other candidates, such as Ohio senator John Sherman, for whom Garfield was sent to represent.
How the convention settles on Garfield as the nominee is a fascinating story of speeches and convention policy. Then, the real work begins - bringing the party back together after a heated nomination process, especially when one group seems to openly seem willing to wait four years for another nomination. The issues are not unlike what Democrats faced - and couldn't resolve - in 2016. Garfield understood he needed New York men; New York men came to begrudgingly accept Garfield as the nominee. Loose promises and backroom deals get the major players pulling in one direction. Garfield wins the presidency because he wins the state of New York; he wins the state of New York by about 20,000 votes. Whether those votes were legitimate or not is a part of history we are not privy to.
More work continues after the election. Nobody seems to understand that winning the election was a group effort; both the New York party loyalists and the “half breed” supporters originally behind Blaine want the power behind the presidency; compromises are few and hard fought. The book spends a good, long while discussing how the Garfield presidency was beginning to shape itself, and again, if you like political machinations, it’s fascinating! The toughest decisions result in the dramatic resignations of New York’s two senators from their posts, Garfield coming to understand that people largely want a president who makes decisions with confidence, even if they are terrible decisions. It’s a reality that makes the attack argument of “shadow government” rule so effective during campaigns.
In the middle of the blossoming presidency comes a sad little man named Charles Guiteau, a man of big dreams, enormous self importance, and little accomplishment. Claiming divine guidance, he first seeks money, then he begins to seek power, and finally, violence, when he is not rewarded as he believes he ought. Like so many before and after him, the belief that divine guidance supported violence turned into real violence. In a global era where world leaders are routinely felled by assassins, the United States loses its second of three presidents to gunshot in a 36 period after the Civil War.
There is one part of history that I appreciated from this book. Violent political rhetoric has always been a part of our country. When that rhetoric turns into actual violence, usually, nothing changes. The guilty parties shrug it off, even using the events to paint themselves as victims, and the rhetoric just gets worse. Cable news and now social media has made things enormously worse, but it’s always been a problem. It can feel Quixotic asking people to be nicer to each other about politics, to care about politically-charged violence. It often feels like nobody with a larger voice cares. I’m pretty discouraged by how awful people seem to be willing to treat each other anymore. It’s not new, I’m just aware of it now, and no longer willing to accept it as normal.
Chester Arthur, who becomes president from the role of vice president and represents the New York contingent in the race and in many matters - often vigorously disagreeing with Garfield - appears to be the rare exception in American history who genuinely weeps for whatever role he might have had when words turned into violence. He’s SORRY. He changes how he thinks and acts. He is kind to his bitter partisan enemies, in and outside of his own party.
The book ends on a bit of a strange note. The author mentions that we don’t really talk about the presidents between Lincoln and Teddy very much. That’s true. We don’t. Senator Blaine, not content with his party having the White House, hatches Arthur in the 1884 election, giving Democrats their only president between 1860 and 1912. Arthur only gets, effectively, half of a term, and so we never really know what he could have done. For the most part, though, money and frontier justice rule the country between the Civil War and FDR. Teddy tries to reign things in a bit, but his changes are short lived and do not survive his departure from the White House. An America defined by exorbitant wealth, expansion in land and industry, as well as a culture of ambivalence towards violence, leads pretty directly into the next book I read, “Killers of the Flower Moon.”