The Metropolitan Revolution: How Cities and Metros are Fixing our Broken Politics and Fragile Economy

by Bruce Katz, Jennifer Bradley

Across the US, cities and metropolitan areas are facing huge economic and competitive challenges that Washington won't, or can't, solve.  The good news is that networks of metropolitan leaders – mayors, business and labor leaders, educators, and philanthropists – are stepping up and powering the nation forward. These state and local leaders are doing the hard work to grow more jobs and make their communities more prosperous, and they're investing in infrastructure, making manufacturing a priority, and equipping workers with the skills they need. In The Metropolitan Revolution , Bruce Katz and Jennifer Bradley highlight success stories and the people behind them. · New York Efforts are under way to diversify the city's vast economy · Is selling the  "sustainability" solutions it has perfected to other cities around the world · Northeast Groups are using industrial-age skills to invent new twenty-first-century materials, tools, and processes · Modern settlement house helps immigrants climb the employment ladder · Innovators are forging strong ties with Brazil and other nations · Denver and Los Leaders are breaking political barriers and building world-class metropolises · Boston and Innovation districts are hatching ideas to power these economies for the next century The lessons in this book can help other cities meet their challenges. Change is happening, and every community in the country can benefit. Change happens where we live, and if leaders won't do it, citizens should demand it. The Metropolitan Revolution was the 2013 Foreword Reviews Bronze winner for Political Science.

Genres: Nonfiction, Urban Planning, Economics, Politics, Cities, Urban Studies, Urbanism

288 pages, Kindle Edition

First published January 31, 2013

Reviews

[Aaron Arnold · Rating 3 out of 5]

This is an attempt to square the circle, a documentation of important innovations in urban policy and practice that tries to be as palatable as possible to the current power structure. Since both of the authors work for the Brookings Institution, this book contains equal measures of interesting analysis of contemporary urban issues mixed with gauzy visioneering designed not to offend anyone important. It's been blurbed by the likes of Cory Booker, Henry Cisneros, Rahm Emanuel, Jon Huntsman, and Robert Rubin, so while it doesn't lack for star power, its ending is likely to disappoint anyone looking for bolder solutions to issues of metropolitan gridlock.

I've long thought that the Dillon's Rule theory of urban subjugation to state governments is inappropriate to the economic structure of the modern world, and probably never was appropriate in the first place. Cities are where most people live, work, produce, and consume, and I simply don't see the point of vesting important taxation and regulatory powers in often fairly distant and hostile state governments that are frequently in thrall to reactionary interests. There are plenty of issues that should be handled on the national level, plenty more that should be handled on the local level, but very few that a thoughtful person or convention would delegate to a state level if American federalism was designed from scratch. The weaknesses of the system are exposed every day in countless ways - center city stagnation at the hands of suburbs, states devolving responsibilities without providing adequate funding, policies designed by and for rural interests at the expense of cities, and the general costs of balkanized urban areas. Nevertheless, since there are those rural and suburban interest groups who do benefit from this setup, we're stuck with it for the foreseeable future, so it's worth exploring what cities are doing to work around and through these political obstacles to pursue their goals.

The book is split in twain between case studies and future projections. In the first half, there are four profiles of cities who are coping with big challenges: New York City's program to jumpstart an innovation economy like Silicon Valley; Denver's struggles to fund regional mass transit; Northeast Ohio's coping strategies for deindustrialization and general economic malaise; and Houston's efforts to integrate its waves of immigrants. The authors' relentless efforts to accentuate the positive is visible whenever they discuss the role of the suburbs, as in the case of Denver, which has been subject to relentless petty attempts to hamstring its growth and development. The other three cities have less adversarial relationships with their suburbs, either because of their unquestioned economic superiority (NYC), their large size relative to their neighbors (Houston), or simple lack of anything much to fight over (Northeast Ohio). The takeaway is that while higher levels of government did contribute in some small ways, for the most part the mayors of each city were the ones who provided the ideas, driving force, and resolution to see their initiatives to completion. I enjoyed seeing the ways in which local initiatives, each tailored to "the knowledge of the particular circumstances of time and place", in Hayek's phrasing, either helped build on the city's strengths, integrate the city with its surroundings, or develop something new to the city that bettered its attractiveness as a place to live and do business.

The second half contains some good material as well. The authors believe that STEM-heavy innovation districts, akin to what New York City was trying to introduce in the first case study, will be a primary focus of urban development in the future as the returns to possessing a strong technology sector continue to increase. My own city of Austin, with its "Silicon Hills" attempt to ride along with Silicon Valley, obviously agrees, and certainly the more agricultural and manufacturing-dependent cities of the country haven't seemed to do so well as the more white-collar ones. While the American economy has not traditionally relied heavily on exports, at least in percentage terms, many cities are finding that they are developing natural trading relationships with each other and foreign cities in a way that Katz and Bradley liken to the famous medieval Hanseatic League. This is held back by often clunky and inflexible state and federal policies, but as seen by Houston's efforts to integrate immigrants earlier in the book, as well as other internationally focused cities like Miami, often metros are the true natural starting places to think about international trade.

The final two chapters in the second half talk about new approaches to federalism, though unfortunately in a somewhat breezy, jargony, in-flight book sort of tone. Readers hoping for a truly novel proposal to reduce the unfairness of the current system will be disappointed. The superiority of the Constitution over the Articles of Confederation is self-evident, but due to an unfortunate attitude of parochialism when it was being negotiated, it looks like its treatment of states and not cities/metropolitan areas as the basic unit of democracy are going to be with us indefinitely. What can an enterprising mayor do in the meantime? Katz and Bradley recommend the following: "Build Your Network" by talking to local leaders and stakeholders; "Set Your Vision" by focusing on just one buzzword affirmation instead of too many (Michael Lewis' Moneyball shows up here for some reason); "Find Your Game Changer" by finding a way to make your buzzword truly soar; "Bankroll the Revolution" by using creative financing techniques ("creative" in the "public-private partnership" sense, not the "Arthur Andersen" sense); and "Sustain the Gain" by committing to a continuing culture of change rather than by passing an ordinance and assuming things will work out.

This is a fundamentally conservative book in attitude, even as its maniacal evenhandedness means that the words "Republican Party" do not appear at all in the text. There's no mention of even something as mild as a proposal to revamp the way that transportation funds are allocated, let alone implementing a system giving cities more direct access to funding and policy without having to go through their state legislatures and Congressional delegations. Katz and Bradley's tone is one of resignation and acceptance; this is undoubtedly more politically realistic than my own more radical feelings, but it makes for a somewhat uninspiring ending. They've got a book that is sure to inspire some mayors, but doesn't give the average citizen much hope for more sensible policies concerning our cities in the future.

[Payton · Rating 4 out of 5]

It tells better stories than your usual Brookings report, I suppose. Few stories that I hadn't already heard of, but some additional social or historical context around them (particularly the in-depth chapters on NYC, Cleveland, and Denver) was useful.

The second half of the book -- policy prescriptions for the way forward -- makes a valiant attempt to show that metro areas have agency, but in doing so it takes too many liberties with their legal and social status. Most metro areas have made great strides in thinking regionally, but still don't act regionally; even if they could, they're typically hamstrung by factors like Know-Nothing/Do-Nothing legislatures.

The Metropolitan Revolution has a super important message, and I'm glad that the authors are making a huge splash around the book launch. However, you probably don't need to read the entire book to absorb its message.

[Jon · Rating 4 out of 5]

The authors make a convincing case, and I hope they are right. I'd like to be as optimistic as the they, but it seems to me that focusing on a handful of success stories serves the purpose of inspiration more than example. The necessary combination of leadership, networking opportunities, broad based willingness to cooperate, ability to overcome government interference, and several other key factors that helped make the authors' case studies successful will be much harder to replicate in most other metros, I'll bet. Still, I'd love to be wrong about that. Finally, there was a bit too much piling on of the research for me, but I'm just an interested observer; to someone working professionally in the field, the abundant references and occasional repetitiveness will likely be appreciated. A very impressive work.

[Tim · Rating 4 out of 5]

Inspiring analysis of the rejuvenation of American metropolitan area in the last 10 years. Katz focuses on how metropolitan areas worked together regionally and not just mayors in big cities. With gridlock in Washington and larger ideological battles have moved to the states - metros are making things work. Cities and suburbs have realized that they are not enemies, and they are not going to let companies pit them against each other.
Katz combines strong stories with understanding the structure that need to be made to encourage metros to work. The context that Katz adds to these issues, economically and politically is thorough and a little technical, but worth the effort.

[Kevin · Rating 3 out of 5]

I wanted to like this book more but I just could not do it. Some of the case studies are interesting but I am not sure what the takeaway is. Metros are doing a wide variety of things in different ways? I knew that. Metros can foster cooperation while state and federal government is in gridlock? Of course. There is some decent material here but it does not deserve 200 pages.

I tried again in 2016...and failed.

[Bruce · Rating 5 out of 5]

Reading this book in 2024 recalls the heady, optimistic time in which it was written--barely ten years ago, but seemingly longer. Katz and Bradley write of the rise of urban policy innovation in the wake of the 2008 recession, with case studies from Cleveland (small manufacturing), Denver (mass transit), Houston (community building), and New York City (innovation districts), with hopeful observations about cross-metro and international collaboration. States and the federal government are urged to recognize the economic importance of metropolitan areas, and to facilitate their inquiries and innovations, rather than thwarting them (as seems to be blood sport in a lot of states, including mine). Early in their concluding chapter, which includes advice for activists, they write: "America circa 2013 can seem like a place defined by drift and dysfunction. The supposed adults in our constitutional system have, with some important exceptions, left the building. Yet below the surface, innovation is bubbling, common sense is pervasive, and a deep-seated commitment to place permeates American life" (193). May it continue to be so.

[Diego · Rating 3 out of 5]

Es un libro con buenos ejemplos de políticas exitosas en algunas ciudades de Estados Unidos, no obstante es demasiado general y las políticas que se discuten lo hacen de forma tan general que resulta muy complicado pensar en extrapolar conclusiones sobre algo en especifico. Los autores intentan presentar los cambios en el proceso de desarrollo de las ciudades como novedosos pero en realidad en algunas partes parecen estar redescubriendo el agua caliente, por ejemplo que parte del atractivo de las ciudades es la aglomeración.

El capitulo sobre Nueva York y el capitulo de innovación son interesantes pero algunos otros son francamente aburridos. Una parte en particular que no me gusto es que ofrece una versión ideológicamente cargada del ataque hacia el estado-nación. En una época donde necesitamos reivindicarlo la idea de desarrollo regional que presenta es un tanto ingenua.

Quizá alguien con una visión más enfocada al urbanismo y menos hacia la economía o la economía política puede encontrarlo más agradable.

[Christopher Mcdermott · Rating 3 out of 5]

Interesting but didn't grab you

Some of the examples were interesting but I would imagine there are others and the later chapters didn't compare well to the early ones.

[Dylan Russell · Rating 2 out of 5]

Let's fix the economy by turning it into an upside down pyramid scheme

[Datadrivencity.com · Rating 4 out of 5]

There is an inherent difficulty in writing about the increasing strength of cities: The movement is decentralized, with thousands of varied initiatives across different states and even countries. Not every city needs grass-removal rebates; not every city needs an aggressive vacant-property-registration program. This variation leads to two opposing pitfalls in discourse about cities: getting bogged down in details about individual programs, or speaking so broadly that it amounts to nothing but vague pro-urban cheerleading. Thankfully, in their new book “The Metropolitan Revolution: How Cities and Metros Are Fixing Our Broken Politics and Fragile Economy,” Bruce Katz and Jennifer Bradley (from the Brookings Institution’s Metropolitan Policy Program) consistently strike the right balance.

The book’s strength comes in identifying emerging trends in city governance, and backing them up with solid examples. The last half of the books does this explicitly, discussing three ideas: (1) the creation of “innovation districts” formed by clustering companies to spur economic growth (chapter 6); (2) the growing importance of U.S. cities engaging with cities in other countries, as Portland has done by selling eco-friendly products, and Miami has done by attracting business from South America (chapter 7); and (3) the need for support and freedom, rather than resistance and constriction, from federal and state government (chapter 8, calling for a rethinking of federalism, as Katz does in this video).


The book is littered with other useful tidbits about the “metropolitan revolution.” One general theme for the book is the advantage metro-leaders have in seeking pragmatic solutions to ground-level problems, and the increasing ability for successful solutions to spread because of advances in communication technology. Katz and Bradley also highlight some specific solutions. In chapter 5, which discusses Houston, they underscore the value of community centers in assimilating immigrants. Other chapters describe the importance of regional cooperation. Chapter 3, for example, discusses how metropolitan Denver came together to support the arts, plan more-efficient public transportation, and compete for business as a region rather than as individual suburbs. And chapter 4 covers efforts in Northeast Ohio to build a coalition of businesses to kickstart the region’s economy.

Another example I found particularly interesting is the book’s emphasis on the need to create science and technology jobs. The authors note the conclusion of economist Enrico Moretti that “each new high-tech job in a metropolitan area leads to, over the long term, two additional professional and three additional nonprofessional jobs.” They then showcase efforts in New York City to build tech colleges to attract talent to the area (chapter 1), and attempts to build hubs for tech companies in Cleveland and Detroit (chapters 3 and 6).

The book is refreshingly up-to-date, at least in regard to Detroit, the city it covers that I follow the most closely. The book was published this summer, yet the authors managed to squeeze in the March 2013 appointment of Kevyn Orr as an emergency manager, and the January 2013 federal grant to support a new rail line connecting the suburbs to downtown.

I caution that Katz and Bradley don’t always avoid the pitfalls in writing about cities that I mentioned earlier. They occasionally slip into careless politicking, filling up paragraphs with buzzword-laden stump speeches for urban living (as with the example I’ve noted before about the “new growth model and economic vision” that will “build an economy that works for working family,” p. 2-3). Other times, they get lost in the details of documenting stories, albeit compelling ones, about the communities they write about, at the risk of readers glossing over the trends the authors seek to identify.

Nevertheless, for a frontline analysis of the growing strength of cities in the United States, this is the book to check out.

http://datadrivencity.com/review-metr...

[Michael Lewyn · Rating 4 out of 5]

Most of the book is a description of various noble-sounding activities performed by various local governments (or in some cases, large local employers or foundations): for example, New York's subsidies to a large university to build a campus in the city, Denver's city/suburb cooperation in transportation, and a Houston nonprofit that educates immigrants and performs other good deeds throughout the Houston region. For a local official hunting for ideas, this might be a pretty useful book.

Having said that, I think the book's overall thesis (that cities will take the lead in creative policies) is a bit optimistic. City governments are just as broke as state governments- in fact, they may even be more fiscally constrained, because the state government has the right to deprive city governments of revenue in a wide variety of ways. For example, state officials (even Democrats) frequently whack away at cities' tax bases by telling cities how and how much they can tax. In addition, state governments tend to be especially biased against large central cities, because of our nation's tradition of poisonous suburban/urban rivalry and because of the power of the road lobby (which usually favors turning central cities into giant expressway ramps).

[Liam · Rating 4 out of 5]

"Our nation's top 100 metropolitan areas sit on only 12 percent of the nation's land mass but are home to tow-thirds of our population and generate 75 percent of our national GDP." (1)

"[I]t is quite rare for a weak city to be surrounded by a strong metro, or a strong city to be set in a weak metro." (49)

"The common thread through all these efforts is differentiation. Following the recession, U.S. metros seem to be rediscovering what makes them special, the distinctiveness of what they make or provide and sell to the world, rather than what makes theme the same, the ubiquitous design and offerings of sports stadiums, big-box retail, and restaurant chains." (160)

"The metropolitan revolution is, at its core, an economic revolution ... The favored production system is now flexible and distributed rather than standardized and concentrated. The key factors of production are now innovation and knowledge rather than capital and labor. The modus operandi between firms and their broader ecosystem is now collaboration rather than isolation." (178-9)

[Laura · Rating 4 out of 5]

The Brookings Institution's Bruce Katz and Jennifer Bradley argue that, given the disfunctionality of the federal and state governments, with their constant political infighting, the metro or city level of political organization is in fact where stuff gets done, and they provide a series of strong examples (speciific projects in New York City, Cleveland, Detroit, Houston, Miami, Los Angeles, Portland) in support of their argument. This book is heavy lifting, but its arguments are well-structured with plenty of supporting data. Katz and Bradley make the case not only for the fact that cities are currently where stuff is getting done - but that this is a good change which can and should be sustained. If you are interested in the topic it's worth the time.

[John · Rating 4 out of 5]

This is an interesting book, describing one way American cities in particular, and global in a less specific way, might rise above the current national dysfunction. The examples are hopeful and the authors extrapolate in an insightful manner. I certainly take hope from what they've researched and written about, but living in a US metropolitan area (Houston) I can see an endless supply of hurdles cluttering the path. Having recently returned to the US from ten years living overseas I've seen a few examples of metropolitan success ... and Houston for one has a long way to go. Still, I think they're on to something. The broader elected bodies in the US aren't solving problems and it makes sense that people fill this void from where they live and work.

[Carlos · Rating 4 out of 5]

An interesting book. It (strongly) makes the case that metropolitan areas are the key drivers behind economic activity, and that this will become more apparent in the coming future. It essentially argues for the recognition of this fact, argues for a reconceptualization of the relations between state and metropolitan networks for the sake of better cooperation, and throws out (in an organized and interesting manner) a number of detailed case samples where pragmatic and innovative policymaking at the city and state level lead to positive economic results.

I'm going to file this away under "re-read in case I have to advise on developing a local economy and need a referesher/ideas" file in my mind.

[Mark Abersold · Rating 4 out of 5]

This book basically makes the case that the real agents of change or innovation are not in the federal or state governments, but rather, in the cities. That's a view I mostly agree with, and found this book to make the case pretty well. That being said, it was a little dry at times, and while there were some interesting chapters (I particularly liked the chapter on Denver), I generally like books more about urban form rather than urban economy.

All that said, this book does make its case well, and and just a little over 200 pages (and a lot of appendix and citation at the end) it's a quick read.

[Mike Staresinic · Rating 3 out of 5]

Promising examples of metro collaboration and innovation in Denver, Cleveland, Houston and elsewhere. This book hit the market just as cities were recovering and a new cohort of progressive mayors were being sworn in. It ably captures and was in all likelihood an accelerant to urban momentum.

Yet ideological zeal traps it in the amber of the post recession debate, a factor which will soon make the book out of date. This is too bad because up to 40 people worked on this book, tremendous investment in a three-star outcome.

[Gjacobsen · Rating 4 out of 5]

While the rhetoric around "revolution" bears some tempering, Katz and Bradley present a very contemporary look at the social and economic resurgence of U.S. cities and their metro regions in lieu of coherent, pragmatic, and collaborative state and federal involvement. A very helpful read and frame for thinking about the future of cities, especially those on the front lines of place-based economic and community development.

[Josh S · Rating 4 out of 5]

An optimistic vision of metropolitan collaboration. I would live to see the future envisioned by Katz and Bradley to come to fruition, though high burdens of legislative gridlock face the policy
prescriptions outlined in the book. Still worth a look for policy wonks, especially pragmatic centrists who enjoy examining intersectionalities of public, private and nonprofit spheres. There's also excellent case studies.

[JFN · Rating 4 out of 5]

Great read. Started out feeling dense in a way that was daunting, but stick with it; it picks up, especially the excellent chapter on innovation hubs. A very important read, being both visionary and practical. Should be required reading for everyone working for cities today. I really admire this work and know that I'm immediately enriched for having read it.

[Tony · Rating 4 out of 5]

Appreciate premise that cities clustering innovation economies are, in the aggregate, a driver for national prosperity.

[Nadia]

Heard Bruce Katz on NPR and liked what he had to say and how he presented it. A non partisan approach to our cities?! Hooray!

[Dan · Rating 2 out of 5]

Not very well written, too broad and general.

[Alice · Rating 5 out of 5]

Very thought provoking and interesting book.

[Genie · Rating 4 out of 5]

Excellent book focused on examples of urban programs that are working.

[Mojo · Rating 3 out of 5]

This book had some good points and was an easy read. However, it was also very repetitive and the authors could not hide their bias.

[B · Rating 2 out of 5]

Good research and documentation, but dry in delivery

[R.shipley · Rating 3 out of 5]

not too bad. A nice summary of things to come in terms many can understand and related to.