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For the Color of His Skin: The Murder of Yusuf Hawkins and the Trial of Bensonhurst
The racial murder of a young boy in Bensonhurst, Brooklyn, made headlines from Manhattan to Hong Kong. With the trials that ensued, New York City exploded with angry protests from black activists and the friends and neighbors of the white youths accused of the crime. DeSantis here offers a compelling account of the incident. 16 pages of photographs.
240 pages, Hardcover
First published November 1, 1991
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April 30, 2026
A CLEAR ‘JOURNALISTIC’ ACCOUNT OF THE EVENTS BEFORE/AFTER THE MURDER
Journalist John DeSantis wrote in the Foreword of this 1991 book, “Like the prosecution of those charged with the murder of Yusuf Hawkins, this book raises more questions than it answers. There are still conflicting stories about why 30 to 40 young men were gathered in a Bensonhurst schoolyard on the night of August 23, 1989. But there can be little doubt that the act which led to the murder of an innocent and unassuming black teenager... was motivated by the race of the victim. We can also be certain that seven young white men were arrested and charged in connection with that murder, and that most of them were found not guilty of the most serious crimes by juries made up of many different ethnic roots. There are those who say that this was proof that our jury system works, and that justice was done. That opinion is not shared by some prosecutors who worked on the case, or the grieving family of Yusuf Hawkins, or by the families of Keith Mondello, John Vento, and Joseph Fama, who are currently serving time in prison.
“There are many nuances in this case and the public reaction to it that were not adequately addressed throughout the news coverage in print and broadcast media… The news media’s reaction to this case, coupled with its choice to ignore other stories that have also affected black communities in New York and elsewhere, was responsible in part for the polarization that already existed when the fatal gunshots were fired on that hot August night. The Bensonhurst case brought reporters into neighborhoods that usually don’t receive their attention… and it even appears now that more attention is being paid to crimes in black communities once ignored by the press. My own education in this regard, as a result of covering the case, is one of the reasons I wrote this book… perhaps now a thorough understanding of both sides of the controversy can be had by anyone who cares to know what was really happening during that most troubled summer.”
Alan Dershowitz wrote in his Introduction, “Hawkins was killed because he was seen as a dangerous and unwanted outsider. There can be little doubt that those who organized the bat-wielding crown which eventually cornered Hawkins and his friends were believed to be coming to Bensonhurst to ‘kick some white a--.’” Hawkins and his friends were in the wrong place---and of the wrong race---at the wrong time. Hawkins was the victim of mistaken identity, but the reason for the mistake was the color of his skin… One compelling message of this book is that when racial and political tensions are high no one really seeks justice… Both sides proved the point that ‘racial justice’ is an oxymoron. As soon as one begins to think about justice in terms of race or ethnic groups, the first casualty becomes INDIVIDUAL justice, which is the only kind deserving that noble title.” (Pg. xiii-xiv)
DeSantis observes, “The broadcast media … are highly selective in their approach to crime coverage, particularly homicide. The majority of homicide victims are black, and it is the unusual homicides, usually those where the victim is white, that generate the greatest amount of press coverage… The resulting perception in black communities is that black life is worth comparatively less than white life when a crime is committed. Relations between the police and New York’s black community… led to increasing mistrust of authorities that some observers feared could make the summer of 1989 long and hot indeed.” (Pg. 30)
He explains, “Although Italian-American culture [including the Mafia] has long been the dominant force in Bensonhurst, populations shifted over the years, new groups have moved in, and the neighborhood as a whole has taken on more of an multiethnic flavor than ever before. The changes have not come without growing pains. When Asians began moving in… the community’s reaction M was not always cordial… There is also a growing Latino population… Whites in Bensonhurst who express disdain for blacks as a group still have African-American friends. Some are young men who have grown up with them, side by side, and they bristle at suggestions they are disloyal to their own race and heritage.” (Pg. 50)
The four young black men (Yusuf, Claude, Troy, and Luther) were in Bensonhurst to look at a car Claude wanted to buy. “They were only a block away from Claude’s dream car.” (Pg. 65, 68) Among the young white men, “Many new faces … had answered the battle call spread by Sal the Squid, Keith Mondelo, and John Venmo… by eight o’clock… the boys were getting restless… [No one] thought to notify police of the assembly in the schoolyard.” (Pg. 69, 71)
He recounts, “Yusuf, Troy, Claude and Luther had just passed the front of the school building… ‘They’re here! The black kids are here!’ … A troop of young men with bats, golf clubs, and bare hands began to walk… in the direction the blacks had gone… the mob surrounded the four blacks… There were shouts of, ‘Is this them?’ ‘What are you n-----s doing here?’ somebody hollered. 'We’re looking for an address,’ Troy said… Keith shook his head… 'They’re kids. These aren’t them.’ … Joseph Fama stepped forward… in his right hand was a revolver. ‘The hell with beating them up. I’m gonna shoot the n----r.’ … Four quick pops sounded in rapid succession, and Yusuf Hawkins … crumpled to the pavement…” (Pg. 75-76)
Soon, Rev. Al Sharpton got involved. “Sharpton calls himself a television activist in a television age whose confrontational, high-profile style is essential to spreading his message… The negative publicity caused by the Tawana Brawley case should have washed Sharpton up as any kind of a responsible spokesman for anyone… [But] he survived the Brawley case with his core support group---disenfranchised New York blacks---more supportive than ever. If Al Sharpton would stand behind the Tawana Brawley story... then he was certainly worthy, some people thought, of representing them. One of those people was Moses Stewart [Yusuf’s father].” (Pg. 105, 107) He adds, “[Sharpton’s] marches and other public displays … have been geared toward moving the courts and prosecutors’ offices.” (Pg. 111-112)
He reports, “‘I’d give a million dollars to show people that you [Sharpton] and [New York City Mayor Ed Koch] talk civilized in private,’ dumbfounded at the chemistry between the mayor and the firebrand preacher… there was always a mutual respect between them.” (Pg. 134)
He states, “When Al Sharpton was told that a black youth might have been involved in the murder, he didn’t believe it possible… ‘I personally don’t believe that such a person exists,’ he said. ‘But if he does exist, and if a black youth was involved, then I would hope that he would be prosecuted as well. Being black doesn’t make him above the law.’’ (Pg. 187)
He reports, “Martin Luther King Day was also important to Sharpton… The game plan for the King Day march was to bank on expected hostility of white residents to the holiday itself and their already well-known dislike of Sharpton. ‘If they act up at this thing, then they’re not just acting up against us, they’re acting up against Dr. King,’ Sharpton said.” (Pg. 193)
He continues, “After leaving Bensonhurst the marchers came to the courthouse… ‘This is a nonviolent demonstration,’ Sharpton said to the crowd at the steps. ‘If you want to join us you are welcome to, but if you are here to start s—t, ‘then you can go home because we don’t want you here.’” (Pg. 217)
Ultimately, “‘He caused the whole thing,’ Judge Owens said of [Keith] Mondello...[he] was sentenced to 5½ to 16 years in prison… Owens, without comment, sentenced Joseph Fama to 32½ years to life… John Vento… retried on murder charges … was acquitted of them… If there was any doubt of how doomed the cases were, it disappeared with the Stressler trial. Judge Owens had already informed prosecutors that if the jury convicted Stressler of anything more than weapons-possession charges he was going to set the verdict aside... As the Bensonhurst acquittals came in one by one the fear that gripped the city immediately after the shooting and during the first trials was not evident.” (Pg. 232)
He concludes, “Yusuf Hawkins was the last person anyone might have thought would become a symbol of the intolerance and racism that still exist in society. It was certainly not a role he would have chosen. Like the wounds that resulted in his death, the role of martyr and symbol had been thrust upon him simply for the color of his skin.” (Pg. 246)
This book will be of great interest to anyone studying this incident and its aftermath.
Journalist John DeSantis wrote in the Foreword of this 1991 book, “Like the prosecution of those charged with the murder of Yusuf Hawkins, this book raises more questions than it answers. There are still conflicting stories about why 30 to 40 young men were gathered in a Bensonhurst schoolyard on the night of August 23, 1989. But there can be little doubt that the act which led to the murder of an innocent and unassuming black teenager... was motivated by the race of the victim. We can also be certain that seven young white men were arrested and charged in connection with that murder, and that most of them were found not guilty of the most serious crimes by juries made up of many different ethnic roots. There are those who say that this was proof that our jury system works, and that justice was done. That opinion is not shared by some prosecutors who worked on the case, or the grieving family of Yusuf Hawkins, or by the families of Keith Mondello, John Vento, and Joseph Fama, who are currently serving time in prison.
“There are many nuances in this case and the public reaction to it that were not adequately addressed throughout the news coverage in print and broadcast media… The news media’s reaction to this case, coupled with its choice to ignore other stories that have also affected black communities in New York and elsewhere, was responsible in part for the polarization that already existed when the fatal gunshots were fired on that hot August night. The Bensonhurst case brought reporters into neighborhoods that usually don’t receive their attention… and it even appears now that more attention is being paid to crimes in black communities once ignored by the press. My own education in this regard, as a result of covering the case, is one of the reasons I wrote this book… perhaps now a thorough understanding of both sides of the controversy can be had by anyone who cares to know what was really happening during that most troubled summer.”
Alan Dershowitz wrote in his Introduction, “Hawkins was killed because he was seen as a dangerous and unwanted outsider. There can be little doubt that those who organized the bat-wielding crown which eventually cornered Hawkins and his friends were believed to be coming to Bensonhurst to ‘kick some white a--.’” Hawkins and his friends were in the wrong place---and of the wrong race---at the wrong time. Hawkins was the victim of mistaken identity, but the reason for the mistake was the color of his skin… One compelling message of this book is that when racial and political tensions are high no one really seeks justice… Both sides proved the point that ‘racial justice’ is an oxymoron. As soon as one begins to think about justice in terms of race or ethnic groups, the first casualty becomes INDIVIDUAL justice, which is the only kind deserving that noble title.” (Pg. xiii-xiv)
DeSantis observes, “The broadcast media … are highly selective in their approach to crime coverage, particularly homicide. The majority of homicide victims are black, and it is the unusual homicides, usually those where the victim is white, that generate the greatest amount of press coverage… The resulting perception in black communities is that black life is worth comparatively less than white life when a crime is committed. Relations between the police and New York’s black community… led to increasing mistrust of authorities that some observers feared could make the summer of 1989 long and hot indeed.” (Pg. 30)
He explains, “Although Italian-American culture [including the Mafia] has long been the dominant force in Bensonhurst, populations shifted over the years, new groups have moved in, and the neighborhood as a whole has taken on more of an multiethnic flavor than ever before. The changes have not come without growing pains. When Asians began moving in… the community’s reaction M was not always cordial… There is also a growing Latino population… Whites in Bensonhurst who express disdain for blacks as a group still have African-American friends. Some are young men who have grown up with them, side by side, and they bristle at suggestions they are disloyal to their own race and heritage.” (Pg. 50)
The four young black men (Yusuf, Claude, Troy, and Luther) were in Bensonhurst to look at a car Claude wanted to buy. “They were only a block away from Claude’s dream car.” (Pg. 65, 68) Among the young white men, “Many new faces … had answered the battle call spread by Sal the Squid, Keith Mondelo, and John Venmo… by eight o’clock… the boys were getting restless… [No one] thought to notify police of the assembly in the schoolyard.” (Pg. 69, 71)
He recounts, “Yusuf, Troy, Claude and Luther had just passed the front of the school building… ‘They’re here! The black kids are here!’ … A troop of young men with bats, golf clubs, and bare hands began to walk… in the direction the blacks had gone… the mob surrounded the four blacks… There were shouts of, ‘Is this them?’ ‘What are you n-----s doing here?’ somebody hollered. 'We’re looking for an address,’ Troy said… Keith shook his head… 'They’re kids. These aren’t them.’ … Joseph Fama stepped forward… in his right hand was a revolver. ‘The hell with beating them up. I’m gonna shoot the n----r.’ … Four quick pops sounded in rapid succession, and Yusuf Hawkins … crumpled to the pavement…” (Pg. 75-76)
Soon, Rev. Al Sharpton got involved. “Sharpton calls himself a television activist in a television age whose confrontational, high-profile style is essential to spreading his message… The negative publicity caused by the Tawana Brawley case should have washed Sharpton up as any kind of a responsible spokesman for anyone… [But] he survived the Brawley case with his core support group---disenfranchised New York blacks---more supportive than ever. If Al Sharpton would stand behind the Tawana Brawley story... then he was certainly worthy, some people thought, of representing them. One of those people was Moses Stewart [Yusuf’s father].” (Pg. 105, 107) He adds, “[Sharpton’s] marches and other public displays … have been geared toward moving the courts and prosecutors’ offices.” (Pg. 111-112)
He reports, “‘I’d give a million dollars to show people that you [Sharpton] and [New York City Mayor Ed Koch] talk civilized in private,’ dumbfounded at the chemistry between the mayor and the firebrand preacher… there was always a mutual respect between them.” (Pg. 134)
He states, “When Al Sharpton was told that a black youth might have been involved in the murder, he didn’t believe it possible… ‘I personally don’t believe that such a person exists,’ he said. ‘But if he does exist, and if a black youth was involved, then I would hope that he would be prosecuted as well. Being black doesn’t make him above the law.’’ (Pg. 187)
He reports, “Martin Luther King Day was also important to Sharpton… The game plan for the King Day march was to bank on expected hostility of white residents to the holiday itself and their already well-known dislike of Sharpton. ‘If they act up at this thing, then they’re not just acting up against us, they’re acting up against Dr. King,’ Sharpton said.” (Pg. 193)
He continues, “After leaving Bensonhurst the marchers came to the courthouse… ‘This is a nonviolent demonstration,’ Sharpton said to the crowd at the steps. ‘If you want to join us you are welcome to, but if you are here to start s—t, ‘then you can go home because we don’t want you here.’” (Pg. 217)
Ultimately, “‘He caused the whole thing,’ Judge Owens said of [Keith] Mondello...[he] was sentenced to 5½ to 16 years in prison… Owens, without comment, sentenced Joseph Fama to 32½ years to life… John Vento… retried on murder charges … was acquitted of them… If there was any doubt of how doomed the cases were, it disappeared with the Stressler trial. Judge Owens had already informed prosecutors that if the jury convicted Stressler of anything more than weapons-possession charges he was going to set the verdict aside... As the Bensonhurst acquittals came in one by one the fear that gripped the city immediately after the shooting and during the first trials was not evident.” (Pg. 232)
He concludes, “Yusuf Hawkins was the last person anyone might have thought would become a symbol of the intolerance and racism that still exist in society. It was certainly not a role he would have chosen. Like the wounds that resulted in his death, the role of martyr and symbol had been thrust upon him simply for the color of his skin.” (Pg. 246)
This book will be of great interest to anyone studying this incident and its aftermath.
November 13, 2008
This book brought out a lot of emotions. From boiling mad to attempting to understand. These senseless things that take place around us are almost too much to bear. This book book would be an amazing insight to students, mostly of the high school age. This bok could be used to teach tolerance, understanding, and appreciation of others no matter what the initial thought or visual difference. Having said that, this makes me want to go "Into the Wild" with my family, so to speak.
Displaying 1 - 2 of 2 reviews