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The Paston Letters
The Pastons of Norfolk left behind them an incomparable picture of life in fifteenth-century England in the earliest great collection of family letters in English. The letters span three generations and most were written during the reigns of Henry VI, Edward IV, and Richard III, in a period of political turmoil, local anarchy, and war abroad and at home. They reveal personal hopes and anxieties, and contain as well as business matters a wealth of information on leisure pursuits, education, and domestic life. The writers express themselves with clarity and vigor that is remarkable at this early date, and the letter illustrate, as no other documents can, the state of the language in daily use immediately before and after the introduction of printing. This modernized selection prepared from the original manuscripts is designed to present the full range of the Pastons' principle concerns.About the For over 100 years Oxford World's Classics has made available the broadest spectrum of literature from around the globe. Each affordable volume reflects Oxford's commitment to scholarship, providing the most accurate text plus a wealth of other valuable features, including expert introductions by leading authorities, voluminous notes to clarify the text, up-to-date bibliographies for further study, and much more.
320 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1789
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About the author
Norman Davis
49 books4 followersNorman Davis was born in 1913 at Dunedin, New Zealand. He received his education at Otago Boys' High School and the University of Otago, where he was taught by Professor Herbert Ramsay. He was awarded a Rhodes scholarship to Merton College, Oxford, in 1934 and studied comparative philology. From 1937 to 1938, he lectured in English at the University of Kaunas in Lithuania, and then at the University of Sofia, Bulgaria, 1938–39.
He remained in Bulgaria in the early part the Second World War, as a clandestine member of the Special Operations Executive. He was interned in Italy for a time, then resumed clandestine work from Turkey.
After the war he taught at the universities of London, Glasgow and Oxford. He succeeded J.R.R. Tolkien as the Merton Professor of English Language and Literature at Oxford.
His most significant work was an edition of the medieval letters of the Paston family in three volumes published in 1971. He also edited a popular selection of the letters translated into modern English.
He remained in Bulgaria in the early part the Second World War, as a clandestine member of the Special Operations Executive. He was interned in Italy for a time, then resumed clandestine work from Turkey.
After the war he taught at the universities of London, Glasgow and Oxford. He succeeded J.R.R. Tolkien as the Merton Professor of English Language and Literature at Oxford.
His most significant work was an edition of the medieval letters of the Paston family in three volumes published in 1971. He also edited a popular selection of the letters translated into modern English.
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Displaying 1 - 13 of 13 reviews
February 6, 2025
Forget history textbooks; just sift through other people's mail if you want to know the real goings-on of a culture.
In all seriousness, this fascinating collection of letters has convinced me that private correspondence (when it can be got at) is one of the best ways of learning about a specific time period and place. Unfortunately, copies of private correspondence are not always easy to get at, especially the farther back in time one reaches. And, of course, the knowledge gained about the time period will be limited by the correspondents' situation and experiences...and honesty or lack thereof. However, that is precisely what makes the Pastons invaluable: theirs is some of the most extensive and detailed correspondence from Medieval-to-early-Renaissance England still in existence. This particular collection begins with Henry VI still on the throne and ends well into the reign of Henry VII. In other words, it contains letters contemporary to the entire 'span' (the exact dates are still rather vague) of the Wars of the Roses. As landed gentry, the Pastons had connections with all manner of folks, some quite close to the crown. There is casual name-dropping like you would not believe.
To conclude, find within these pages a firsthand account of Henry VI's first meeting with his son Edward of Westminster, Prince of Wales; an example of one of the first usages of the expression 'no bones about it' and other such sayings; discussions about clothes; marriage negotiations; endearments such as 'my sweetheart' and 'my Valentine' (no, really!); complaints about one's children leaving their riding equipment lying around, and much more. A perusal of these letters will also help combat the ridiculous notion that any English prior to 1485 is more or less impossible to understand. In sum, you will find both useful information and hours of entertainment.
In all seriousness, this fascinating collection of letters has convinced me that private correspondence (when it can be got at) is one of the best ways of learning about a specific time period and place. Unfortunately, copies of private correspondence are not always easy to get at, especially the farther back in time one reaches. And, of course, the knowledge gained about the time period will be limited by the correspondents' situation and experiences...and honesty or lack thereof. However, that is precisely what makes the Pastons invaluable: theirs is some of the most extensive and detailed correspondence from Medieval-to-early-Renaissance England still in existence. This particular collection begins with Henry VI still on the throne and ends well into the reign of Henry VII. In other words, it contains letters contemporary to the entire 'span' (the exact dates are still rather vague) of the Wars of the Roses. As landed gentry, the Pastons had connections with all manner of folks, some quite close to the crown. There is casual name-dropping like you would not believe.
To conclude, find within these pages a firsthand account of Henry VI's first meeting with his son Edward of Westminster, Prince of Wales; an example of one of the first usages of the expression 'no bones about it' and other such sayings; discussions about clothes; marriage negotiations; endearments such as 'my sweetheart' and 'my Valentine' (no, really!); complaints about one's children leaving their riding equipment lying around, and much more. A perusal of these letters will also help combat the ridiculous notion that any English prior to 1485 is more or less impossible to understand. In sum, you will find both useful information and hours of entertainment.
October 12, 2025
Here's a blog post I've written on letter #9.
In the previous letter, we left John Paston I after hearing from his loyal friend John Damme that his estate is in danger and that some men are plotting against him. Damme said that a man named Partridge and his friends have been saying that Lord Moleyns will overtake the Gresham manor soon, and that a lawyer called John Heydon has been encouraging him to do so. Damme also said that Margaret had received a note that she should disarm the men at Gresham so as to allow an amicable surrender of the estate, a request she promptly refused.
In this letter, which was written almost two months after Damme’s warning, specifically in February 15, 1449, we see that Margaret has been dispossessed and forced to leave Gresham. So much for that crossbow order, I guess. Only if she could send it back. Now Margaret is taking refuge in the manor of Sustead with Damme’s wife.
She begins this letter by mentioning some men named Barow and Hegon who now occupy Gresham, the former seemingly residing there as a supervisor. She decides to communicate with them through her servant Kate, who delivers a message to Barow. This latter says that he would like to meet with Margaret, a request that she accepts granted that he comes to Sustead. The men come by the same afternoon and she keeps them waiting at the gate for some time. When she walks to them, she apologizes for not being able to welcome them inside, a strange apology and insistence on social decorum for the men who took over her estate. I think this shows her observance of hospitality and the Christian doctrine of turning the other cheek. Anyway, Margaret is aware that the men are here to “please her” (17), which means to comfort her, that none of their men back at Gresham were hurt. Margaret doesn’t trust them because she says that she found them “untrue in other things” (17). Here she is establishing the degree of ethos she could extend to these men. She is effectively telling us that we shouldn’t count on anything they say. What follows is one of the most subtle debates in the book. Think about it. You are negotiating with someone who took over your house and has power over you.
Barow seems to be a smart man as he tries to wiggle his way out of the situation. He swears to Margaret that “he had liefer than 40s. and 40 that his lord had not commanded him to come to Gresham,” which I guess means something like I would have rather been given a thousand bucks than taken that order from Lord Moleyns. He is using hyperbole as means of persuasion. This makes for an interesting appeal afterwards when he adds an apology to it saying that “he was right sorry of that that was done” to Paston (17). In short, Barow uses a combination of logos and pathos. Margaret responds with what appeals to her most, empathy, reminding Barow that he is one who “should have compassion” on John because he himself was “disseised” once, i.e. dispossessed (17). After having expressed his sympathy, Barow starts defending his masters, both the Lord of Suffolk and Moleyns, saying that they contrived to take over Gresham based on false information that was given to them. Margaret tells John that she knew who the rat was, but she doesn’t divulge his name in front of the men. The footnote tells us that it was John Heydon. Margaret says that they talked about other things but it would be too tedious and cumbersome to convey all of it in writing now.
Then she begins with matters of the heart, expressing her worry for John and asking him to be careful and always have some trustworthy men around him. She also counsels Damme, who’s seemingly residing with Paston in London at the time, not to come back to his estate until things cool down a bit. She urges John to send her word about how he is doing “for by [her] troth [she] cannot been well at ease in [her] heart … till [she] hears tidings how he don” (19). This tells us how much she loves and cares for John.
Margaret’s narration to the scribe is circuitous. She comes back to the subject of Barow, who told her that most of their belongings at Gresham have been sold. She insists on their lack of credibility as she states that “meseemeth by them they would fain please me” (19). In other words, their goal is just to make her feel better and not simply convey the truth. They tell her that she could have whatever she desires back from Gresham, to which she smartly replies by saying that if she could have indeed had her desire, she would have been still residing there at this very moment. She effectively uses their word against them. “I said nay,” she tells us, “If I might an had my desire I should neither a departed out of the place nor from the stuff that was therein” (19).
Margaret ends her letter on a strange note considering her comforting attempts prior to this discussion of property and capital. She tells Barow that they shouldn’t have sold the Paston’s stuff for even £100. They retort that their stuff wasn’t worth £20, which is something that have definitely angered John upon reading. Perhaps ending on this hostile note betrays Margaret’s agitation and fear, which the letter’s more composed initial attitude was just an attempt to suppress and hold back.
She concludes briefly by telling John that his mother is okay, and that unfortunately no one is saying a kind word about him in this country, something she prays God to amend.
What this letter essentially conveys is Margaret’s sense of religious sentiment (turning the other cheek) and her quick-wittedness when it comes to dialogue and negotiation. She shows skill in providing a keen reply. And she knows when to shush and withhold her knowledge of certain things. We can say that Margaret has an astute sense of differentiation and communicative prowess, despite not being able to write herself.
Next time, thirteen days after this letter was composed, we will hear more developments from Margaret about her situation. See you in letter #10.
WORKS CITED
Davis, Norman, editor. The Paston Letters: A Selection in Modern Spelling. Oxford UP, 2008.
This is Paston. Paston Footprint, developed by David Viner and graphics by James Mindham, 2015-2025. https://www.thisispaston.co.uk/
In the previous letter, we left John Paston I after hearing from his loyal friend John Damme that his estate is in danger and that some men are plotting against him. Damme said that a man named Partridge and his friends have been saying that Lord Moleyns will overtake the Gresham manor soon, and that a lawyer called John Heydon has been encouraging him to do so. Damme also said that Margaret had received a note that she should disarm the men at Gresham so as to allow an amicable surrender of the estate, a request she promptly refused.
In this letter, which was written almost two months after Damme’s warning, specifically in February 15, 1449, we see that Margaret has been dispossessed and forced to leave Gresham. So much for that crossbow order, I guess. Only if she could send it back. Now Margaret is taking refuge in the manor of Sustead with Damme’s wife.
She begins this letter by mentioning some men named Barow and Hegon who now occupy Gresham, the former seemingly residing there as a supervisor. She decides to communicate with them through her servant Kate, who delivers a message to Barow. This latter says that he would like to meet with Margaret, a request that she accepts granted that he comes to Sustead. The men come by the same afternoon and she keeps them waiting at the gate for some time. When she walks to them, she apologizes for not being able to welcome them inside, a strange apology and insistence on social decorum for the men who took over her estate. I think this shows her observance of hospitality and the Christian doctrine of turning the other cheek. Anyway, Margaret is aware that the men are here to “please her” (17), which means to comfort her, that none of their men back at Gresham were hurt. Margaret doesn’t trust them because she says that she found them “untrue in other things” (17). Here she is establishing the degree of ethos she could extend to these men. She is effectively telling us that we shouldn’t count on anything they say. What follows is one of the most subtle debates in the book. Think about it. You are negotiating with someone who took over your house and has power over you.
Barow seems to be a smart man as he tries to wiggle his way out of the situation. He swears to Margaret that “he had liefer than 40s. and 40 that his lord had not commanded him to come to Gresham,” which I guess means something like I would have rather been given a thousand bucks than taken that order from Lord Moleyns. He is using hyperbole as means of persuasion. This makes for an interesting appeal afterwards when he adds an apology to it saying that “he was right sorry of that that was done” to Paston (17). In short, Barow uses a combination of logos and pathos. Margaret responds with what appeals to her most, empathy, reminding Barow that he is one who “should have compassion” on John because he himself was “disseised” once, i.e. dispossessed (17). After having expressed his sympathy, Barow starts defending his masters, both the Lord of Suffolk and Moleyns, saying that they contrived to take over Gresham based on false information that was given to them. Margaret tells John that she knew who the rat was, but she doesn’t divulge his name in front of the men. The footnote tells us that it was John Heydon. Margaret says that they talked about other things but it would be too tedious and cumbersome to convey all of it in writing now.
Then she begins with matters of the heart, expressing her worry for John and asking him to be careful and always have some trustworthy men around him. She also counsels Damme, who’s seemingly residing with Paston in London at the time, not to come back to his estate until things cool down a bit. She urges John to send her word about how he is doing “for by [her] troth [she] cannot been well at ease in [her] heart … till [she] hears tidings how he don” (19). This tells us how much she loves and cares for John.
Margaret’s narration to the scribe is circuitous. She comes back to the subject of Barow, who told her that most of their belongings at Gresham have been sold. She insists on their lack of credibility as she states that “meseemeth by them they would fain please me” (19). In other words, their goal is just to make her feel better and not simply convey the truth. They tell her that she could have whatever she desires back from Gresham, to which she smartly replies by saying that if she could have indeed had her desire, she would have been still residing there at this very moment. She effectively uses their word against them. “I said nay,” she tells us, “If I might an had my desire I should neither a departed out of the place nor from the stuff that was therein” (19).
Margaret ends her letter on a strange note considering her comforting attempts prior to this discussion of property and capital. She tells Barow that they shouldn’t have sold the Paston’s stuff for even £100. They retort that their stuff wasn’t worth £20, which is something that have definitely angered John upon reading. Perhaps ending on this hostile note betrays Margaret’s agitation and fear, which the letter’s more composed initial attitude was just an attempt to suppress and hold back.
She concludes briefly by telling John that his mother is okay, and that unfortunately no one is saying a kind word about him in this country, something she prays God to amend.
What this letter essentially conveys is Margaret’s sense of religious sentiment (turning the other cheek) and her quick-wittedness when it comes to dialogue and negotiation. She shows skill in providing a keen reply. And she knows when to shush and withhold her knowledge of certain things. We can say that Margaret has an astute sense of differentiation and communicative prowess, despite not being able to write herself.
Next time, thirteen days after this letter was composed, we will hear more developments from Margaret about her situation. See you in letter #10.
WORKS CITED
Davis, Norman, editor. The Paston Letters: A Selection in Modern Spelling. Oxford UP, 2008.
This is Paston. Paston Footprint, developed by David Viner and graphics by James Mindham, 2015-2025. https://www.thisispaston.co.uk/
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November 17, 2021This collection of letters within 3 generations of the Paston family is a helpful text in understanding the historical realities of normal (though aristocratic) people at this point in history. I found it especially interesting seeing Margaret's perspective and how little she was the weak damsel we often see portrayed in medieval fiction, but was actually running the Paston estate and finances.
August 25, 2023
This is a wonderful collection of fifteenth-century family letters related to the everyday lives of the Paston family of Norfolk. Many are related to business, but my favourite is the Valentine sent by Margery Brews to John Paston III in 1477: 'RYGHT reverent and wurschypfull and my ryght welebeloved Voluntyne, I recommande me unto yowe full hertely, desyring to here of yowr welefare, which I beseche Almyghty God long for to preserve unto hys plesure and yowr hertys desyre. And yf it please yowe to here of my welfare, I am not in good heele of body ner of herte, nor shall be tyll I here from yowe...' – to which I'm glad to say she received a swift reply.
I would have preferred less intervention in the spelling, capitalisation and punctuation. Thorn has been replaced by 'th' and yogh by 'y' and the modern vowel/consonant distinctions between i/j and u/v have been regularised. None of this seems to be an improvement. Nonetheless, this book is a fascinating insight into everyday life in late medieval/early modern England. A joy to dip into.
I would have preferred less intervention in the spelling, capitalisation and punctuation. Thorn has been replaced by 'th' and yogh by 'y' and the modern vowel/consonant distinctions between i/j and u/v have been regularised. None of this seems to be an improvement. Nonetheless, this book is a fascinating insight into everyday life in late medieval/early modern England. A joy to dip into.
June 11, 2023
This tome is a collection of letters by and to members of the distinguished Norfolk family over a period of three generations. The tome is entrancing for the pictures they give us of life in 15th century England. Unpublished until 1787, the 1088 private letters of the Pastons of Norfolk furnish a bosom indication into the daily life of a characteristic prosperous English family of the 15th century.
One learns much, and at first hand, about social circumstances of the time: laborious travel, insufficient police protection, untrustworthy servants in addition to irredeemable children. Here one finds ferocity and disorder, domestic love and courtship and the meals and niceties of daily usages in a captivating assortment, ingenuous and unceremonious.
Not having been intended for publication, the letters also speak with uncommon candour about the more personal affairs of the Pastons such as their family life, love and marriages in their family.
Through these letters one learns about the higgledy-piggledy ailments of the society and the poor state of law and order. We see, how the honchos manipulated the royal forms of justice to their own benefit. The judge or juries could be corrupted or overwhelmed at the drop of the hat’ He would be an audacious gentleman who ventured to bring a lawsuit against a great lord or one of his dependents. If the distressed person did appeal to the law, he might find that no counsel or witnesses would dare to support him; and common law processes often allowed long delays before a judgment was given.
And if subtler methods failed, a lord might, if he were strong enough, break up the session of court by violence.
Nevertheless, a powerful offender often obtained the favour of the Crown at a much earlier stage in legal proceedings.
When, for example, in 1451 Lord Moleyns was indicted for an armed attack on the Paston manor of Gresham, the sheriff of Norfolk received "Writyng from Kyng that he shall make such a panell to aquyte the Lord Moleynes and acquitted he was.”
The characters of the numerous members of the Paston family, and particularly Agnes, Margaret and John, deep through correspondence, covering the years 1434 to 1509 is of unique interest for the private lives of English people during the period of the Wars of the Roses and the Tudor settlement.
We also learn about love and marriage in those days. In this connection G.M. Trevelyan writes "The Pastons and the country families regarded the marriages of their children as counters in the game of family aggrandizement, useful to buy money and extates, or to secure the support of powerful patrons. If the victim destined for the altar resisted, rebellion was crushed-at least in the case of a slaughter of female ward-with physical brutality almost incredible.”
Elizabeth Paston, when she hesitated to marry a battered and ugly widower of fifty, was for nearly three months on end 'beaten once in the week or twice, some times twice in one day, and her head broken in two or three places’. Such were the methods of her mother Agnes, a highly religious, respectable and successful controller of the large Paston household.
Many parents seem to have cared very little who married their children, provided they themselves got the money; John Wyndham, one of the Paston's neighbours, proposed to sell to a London merchant the right to dispose of hi young son in marriage.
Love was not the usual basis of marriage, though very often grew out of marriage, and also led to marriage sometimes. There are many instances of lovers marrying and leading happy lives. There were two love marriages in the Paston family. Marg Brews married John Paston, and Margery Paston married Richard Calle, the bailiff of the Paston estates.
Since then there has been a progression towards the motif of love as the basis of marriage, we find in the Victorian age. In this connection G. M. Trevelyan says, "The lawless Pagan 'God of Love', whose altar the medieval poets had erected, has been baptized, and has settled down as a married man in the England Alfred Tennyson and Mr. and Mrs. Robert Browning".
The Paston Letters are awash with evidence for the historian on social and domestic life of the time. They give a comprehensive representation of the generations of a well to-do Norfolk family, their friends and adversaries, their dependants and noble patrons, and form an everlasting treasure of personal, domestic and historical data about the period te 1442 to 1509.
A book meant for teachers and students alike.
One learns much, and at first hand, about social circumstances of the time: laborious travel, insufficient police protection, untrustworthy servants in addition to irredeemable children. Here one finds ferocity and disorder, domestic love and courtship and the meals and niceties of daily usages in a captivating assortment, ingenuous and unceremonious.
Not having been intended for publication, the letters also speak with uncommon candour about the more personal affairs of the Pastons such as their family life, love and marriages in their family.
Through these letters one learns about the higgledy-piggledy ailments of the society and the poor state of law and order. We see, how the honchos manipulated the royal forms of justice to their own benefit. The judge or juries could be corrupted or overwhelmed at the drop of the hat’ He would be an audacious gentleman who ventured to bring a lawsuit against a great lord or one of his dependents. If the distressed person did appeal to the law, he might find that no counsel or witnesses would dare to support him; and common law processes often allowed long delays before a judgment was given.
And if subtler methods failed, a lord might, if he were strong enough, break up the session of court by violence.
Nevertheless, a powerful offender often obtained the favour of the Crown at a much earlier stage in legal proceedings.
When, for example, in 1451 Lord Moleyns was indicted for an armed attack on the Paston manor of Gresham, the sheriff of Norfolk received "Writyng from Kyng that he shall make such a panell to aquyte the Lord Moleynes and acquitted he was.”
The characters of the numerous members of the Paston family, and particularly Agnes, Margaret and John, deep through correspondence, covering the years 1434 to 1509 is of unique interest for the private lives of English people during the period of the Wars of the Roses and the Tudor settlement.
We also learn about love and marriage in those days. In this connection G.M. Trevelyan writes "The Pastons and the country families regarded the marriages of their children as counters in the game of family aggrandizement, useful to buy money and extates, or to secure the support of powerful patrons. If the victim destined for the altar resisted, rebellion was crushed-at least in the case of a slaughter of female ward-with physical brutality almost incredible.”
Elizabeth Paston, when she hesitated to marry a battered and ugly widower of fifty, was for nearly three months on end 'beaten once in the week or twice, some times twice in one day, and her head broken in two or three places’. Such were the methods of her mother Agnes, a highly religious, respectable and successful controller of the large Paston household.
Many parents seem to have cared very little who married their children, provided they themselves got the money; John Wyndham, one of the Paston's neighbours, proposed to sell to a London merchant the right to dispose of hi young son in marriage.
Love was not the usual basis of marriage, though very often grew out of marriage, and also led to marriage sometimes. There are many instances of lovers marrying and leading happy lives. There were two love marriages in the Paston family. Marg Brews married John Paston, and Margery Paston married Richard Calle, the bailiff of the Paston estates.
Since then there has been a progression towards the motif of love as the basis of marriage, we find in the Victorian age. In this connection G. M. Trevelyan says, "The lawless Pagan 'God of Love', whose altar the medieval poets had erected, has been baptized, and has settled down as a married man in the England Alfred Tennyson and Mr. and Mrs. Robert Browning".
The Paston Letters are awash with evidence for the historian on social and domestic life of the time. They give a comprehensive representation of the generations of a well to-do Norfolk family, their friends and adversaries, their dependants and noble patrons, and form an everlasting treasure of personal, domestic and historical data about the period te 1442 to 1509.
A book meant for teachers and students alike.
February 15, 2020
An interesting insight into landed-elite family life during the Wars of Roses. The edition with modern spelling is helpful. The footnotes add intrigue and another layer of understanding to letters that initially appear superficial. Great primary source.
June 6, 2022
A glimpse into the lives of a 15th century gentry family via their letters. There’s tragedy, comedy, family fallings out, high politics, business, faith, war, love, and an inordinate amount about the estate of Sir John Fastolf…
February 17, 2023
Tough read, this is a source book.
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February 22, 2025so who’s going on a trip with me to the british museum to view their collection of surviving paston letters ?
October 17, 2014
A very nice view of daily life in the 15th century through the Paston family letters. Among a lot of comings and goings of the family, the compilation notably includes a description of the bridal cortege of Margaret of York in Bruges as witnessed by one of the sons, an invitation to a mourning relative to come by for New Years' Eve ("it will be very quiet, just family and we will play a little music and play cards" - a casual mention that is the first mention of cardplaying ever), and (I was completely won over by this) a request to the absent husband to "please bring crossbows when you come back, because our men tried to use the longbows to shoot through the windows to pratice for the coming siege and our ceilings are simply too low to do this properly".
October 15, 2015
Definitely got across the tumultuous background of the time period. However, I grew tired of reading footnote after footnote trying to figure out who each person was and the significance of every place mentioned.
November 28, 2014
As a book, middling excitement. But as a historical source, invaluable. 3.5, possibly 4.
March 28, 2015
Recommended as part of the Future Learn course England In The Time Of Richard III. Background reading. One of the main sources for history of the period. Very informative.
Displaying 1 - 13 of 13 reviews