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Mémoires de guerre #2
Memórias de Guerra: A Unidade - 1942-1944
Militar e político francês. Desde jovem segue a carreira das armas, e durante grande parte da Primeira Guerra Mundial está prisioneiro dos Alemães. Pouco antes da Segunda Guerra Mundial publica um livro em que defende a necessidade de criar colunas couraçadas móveis. Tomada a França pelos Alemães, foge para a Grã-Bretanha e, opositor ao armistício assinado por Pétain, lança através da BBC um chamamento aos Franceses animando-os a continuar a guerra juntamente com a Grã-Bretanha. Dois anos mais tarde, todos os grupos da resistência interior francesa o reconhecem como chefe. As suas relações com os líderes britânico e norte-americano, Churchill e Roosevelt, são difíceis. Em 1944, recuperada a cidade de Paris, forma o seu primeiro governo e, após a vitória, organiza um referendo que reclama uma nova Constituição.
Entre 1958 e 1969 é presidente da República e, neste período, concede a emancipação às colônias africanas. Soluciona o problema da Argélia concedendo-lhe a independência, apesar da oposição dos principais generais franceses. Em desacordo com a política internacional de blocos, pretende converter a França numa grande potência através da criação de um exército dotado de armas nucleares.
Os acontecimentos de Maio de 1968 marcam o seu ocaso como político. Derrotadas em referendo as suas propostas de modificação do Senado e de reorganização regional, demite-se do seu cargo presidencial para se retirar para Colombey. Escreve suas Memórias que constituem uma contribuição para a história de notável valor literário. Este volume é composto dos seguintes capítulos: Intermédio; Tragédia; Comédia; Argel; Política; Diplomacia; Combate; Paris.
Entre 1958 e 1969 é presidente da República e, neste período, concede a emancipação às colônias africanas. Soluciona o problema da Argélia concedendo-lhe a independência, apesar da oposição dos principais generais franceses. Em desacordo com a política internacional de blocos, pretende converter a França numa grande potência através da criação de um exército dotado de armas nucleares.
Os acontecimentos de Maio de 1968 marcam o seu ocaso como político. Derrotadas em referendo as suas propostas de modificação do Senado e de reorganização regional, demite-se do seu cargo presidencial para se retirar para Colombey. Escreve suas Memórias que constituem uma contribuição para a história de notável valor literário. Este volume é composto dos seguintes capítulos: Intermédio; Tragédia; Comédia; Argel; Política; Diplomacia; Combate; Paris.
306 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1944
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About the author
Charles de Gaulle
347 books61 followersCharles André Joseph Marie de Gaulle was a French general and statesman who led the Free French Forces during World War II and later founded the French Fifth Republic and served as its first President. In France, he is commonly referred to as Général de Gaulle or simply Le Général.
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November 30, 2023
Charles de Gaulle certainly stands as one of the more extraordinary characters of 20th century history. He rankled many of his peers from World War II – namely Winston Churchill and Franklin Roosevelt, among others.
This book is really most entertaining – de Gaulle almost never writes a paragraph without expressing his opinion or passing judgement. He is never neutral.
After the allied landings in North Africa in 1942, he set up his government in Algiers, Algeria.
Page 414 (my book – my rough translation)
That which is the honour of France rests intact in my hands.
De Gaulle saw the Vichy government not only as dishonourable, but as being illegitimate as it was under the control of Nazi Germany. He saw himself as the leader of France.
Page 308
Vichy will always be a non-entity and a false path.
Despite his often-caustic remarks, de Gaulle could be very generous in his appraisals and honest. He wrote a heartfelt letter to Franklin Roosevelt in October 1942 explaining his position and that of France. Roosevelt never replied to this.
He felt Winston Churchill in 1942 was becoming too attached to the United States and losing his independence.
Page 52
You have been in this war from the very beginning. We can even say that you are personally this war. America would not be in North Africa if not for you. For three years your soldiers have fought… but now you let the Americans set the direction of the conflict. But it is you that should be doing so, more so in the moral sense.
De Gaulle was never going to let the Americans make decisions for France. Both Roosevelt and Churchill had focused their attention for French leadership on French General Henri Giraud who they saw as far more pliable than de Gaulle. It goes without saying that de Gaulle came to detest Giraud. He outmanoeuvred him politically, and by the end of 1943 Giraud was sidelined. At a meeting with Eisenhower and other American and British officials - de Gaulle, on hearing Giraud say something he disagreed with, stood up and abruptly exited the meeting.
It should be emphasized that de Gaulle admired and respected General Eisenhower.
De Gaulle visited the United States after the Normandy landings in 1944 – and met with Roosevelt. He was taken aback at Roosevelt’s desire to remake the world through the United Nations and American dominance. He was leery of this, but at the same time de Gaulle wanted France to preserve its own colonial empire in Africa and Indochina – which they were to lose in the 1950s.
De Gaulle was overwhelmed by America’s and Roosevelt's optimism, which was so vastly different from the European experience.
The U.S. was a power ascending and de Gaulle did not want France and its army to become a branch of the U.S. He was also concerned about British imperial designs on French colonial possessions – but at this stage he did not foresee the end of European imperialism.
Roosevelt wanted the French army and government to be under the tutelage and authority of the United States.
Page 213 on American relations with French authorities
In reality the intentions of the President [Roosevelt] struck me as akin to the dreams of “Alice in Wonderland”.
Page 620 on the liberation of France in 1944
France, which has brought liberty to the world, and who has always been and will be its champion, does not need to consult with outside powers to decide the manner in which it will re-establish its’ liberty.
Page 225 On the successful D-day landings
Je constate que, dans cette affaire tres risqué et tres complexe, l’aptitude des Anglo-Saxons a etablir ce qu’ils appellant le “planning” s’est displayee aux maximum.
Another preoccupation of de Gaulle was post-liberation France. There were indications France could descend into chaos – with fighting between various resistance groups, those who supported Vichy (which de Gaulle underestimated the strength of), and communists. De Gaulle wanted nothing to do with communism, even though he acknowledged their aid in fighting the German occupiers. He wanted foremost - order in liberated France, and he wanted a government that ruled – with him at the top (until elections were called). And he did not want the musical chair governments that France had prior to the German invasion.
For a man who was beholden to no one, he was completely in awe of the Pope and the Vatican when meeting with the Pope in 1944 after Italy had been liberated. This is the only reference to his Catholicism in this book.
The last chapter on de Gaulle’s entry into liberated Paris was poignant. One can imagine how he must have felt walking down the Champs-Elysees with throngs of cheering people.
Page 313
History as seen in the cobblestone streets and in all these areas seemed to be smiling at us.
France had been humiliated by the defeat of 1940. It was now taking the first steps to rebuilding itself on the world stage – and de Gaulle saw himself as key to that process.
Page 102 in conversation with Anthony Eden – the British foreign secretary
“Do you know” said Eden in good humour, “that you have caused us more problems than any of our other European allies?” “I don’t doubt it” said de Gaulle also smiling, “France is a great power.”
This book is really most entertaining – de Gaulle almost never writes a paragraph without expressing his opinion or passing judgement. He is never neutral.
After the allied landings in North Africa in 1942, he set up his government in Algiers, Algeria.
Page 414 (my book – my rough translation)
That which is the honour of France rests intact in my hands.
De Gaulle saw the Vichy government not only as dishonourable, but as being illegitimate as it was under the control of Nazi Germany. He saw himself as the leader of France.
Page 308
Vichy will always be a non-entity and a false path.
Despite his often-caustic remarks, de Gaulle could be very generous in his appraisals and honest. He wrote a heartfelt letter to Franklin Roosevelt in October 1942 explaining his position and that of France. Roosevelt never replied to this.
He felt Winston Churchill in 1942 was becoming too attached to the United States and losing his independence.
Page 52
You have been in this war from the very beginning. We can even say that you are personally this war. America would not be in North Africa if not for you. For three years your soldiers have fought… but now you let the Americans set the direction of the conflict. But it is you that should be doing so, more so in the moral sense.
De Gaulle was never going to let the Americans make decisions for France. Both Roosevelt and Churchill had focused their attention for French leadership on French General Henri Giraud who they saw as far more pliable than de Gaulle. It goes without saying that de Gaulle came to detest Giraud. He outmanoeuvred him politically, and by the end of 1943 Giraud was sidelined. At a meeting with Eisenhower and other American and British officials - de Gaulle, on hearing Giraud say something he disagreed with, stood up and abruptly exited the meeting.
It should be emphasized that de Gaulle admired and respected General Eisenhower.
De Gaulle visited the United States after the Normandy landings in 1944 – and met with Roosevelt. He was taken aback at Roosevelt’s desire to remake the world through the United Nations and American dominance. He was leery of this, but at the same time de Gaulle wanted France to preserve its own colonial empire in Africa and Indochina – which they were to lose in the 1950s.
De Gaulle was overwhelmed by America’s and Roosevelt's optimism, which was so vastly different from the European experience.
The U.S. was a power ascending and de Gaulle did not want France and its army to become a branch of the U.S. He was also concerned about British imperial designs on French colonial possessions – but at this stage he did not foresee the end of European imperialism.
Roosevelt wanted the French army and government to be under the tutelage and authority of the United States.
Page 213 on American relations with French authorities
In reality the intentions of the President [Roosevelt] struck me as akin to the dreams of “Alice in Wonderland”.
Page 620 on the liberation of France in 1944
France, which has brought liberty to the world, and who has always been and will be its champion, does not need to consult with outside powers to decide the manner in which it will re-establish its’ liberty.
Page 225 On the successful D-day landings
Je constate que, dans cette affaire tres risqué et tres complexe, l’aptitude des Anglo-Saxons a etablir ce qu’ils appellant le “planning” s’est displayee aux maximum.
Another preoccupation of de Gaulle was post-liberation France. There were indications France could descend into chaos – with fighting between various resistance groups, those who supported Vichy (which de Gaulle underestimated the strength of), and communists. De Gaulle wanted nothing to do with communism, even though he acknowledged their aid in fighting the German occupiers. He wanted foremost - order in liberated France, and he wanted a government that ruled – with him at the top (until elections were called). And he did not want the musical chair governments that France had prior to the German invasion.
For a man who was beholden to no one, he was completely in awe of the Pope and the Vatican when meeting with the Pope in 1944 after Italy had been liberated. This is the only reference to his Catholicism in this book.
The last chapter on de Gaulle’s entry into liberated Paris was poignant. One can imagine how he must have felt walking down the Champs-Elysees with throngs of cheering people.
Page 313
History as seen in the cobblestone streets and in all these areas seemed to be smiling at us.
France had been humiliated by the defeat of 1940. It was now taking the first steps to rebuilding itself on the world stage – and de Gaulle saw himself as key to that process.
Page 102 in conversation with Anthony Eden – the British foreign secretary
“Do you know” said Eden in good humour, “that you have caused us more problems than any of our other European allies?” “I don’t doubt it” said de Gaulle also smiling, “France is a great power.”
August 30, 2025
Voici donc le deuxième tome (sur trois) des Mémoires des guerre du Général de Gaulle. Il se concentre cette fois sur la période charnière entre la première contribution à la guerre des troupes françaises qu'il a rassemblées (Bir Hakeim, juin 1942) et la libération de Paris (août 1944). Elle couvre tous les événements de la période : débarquement en Afrique du nord, campagne d'Italie et bien sûr débarquement de Normandie, de Provence et aprés. Cette partie, à la différence de la première, n'est pas organisée chronologiquement mais par thèmes (dans sa partie centrale : Politique, Diplomatie, Combats).
Comme dans la première partie, le livre frappe d'abord par le style de de Gaulle, un style épique et magnifique. Outre un grand politique, c'est de toute évidence un grand écrivain qui use merveilleusement de la langue française pour nous raconter une grande épopée, la sienne. Ce sont aussi des mémoires avec tout ce que cela implique de partial. Partial veut dire que des épisodes de la guerre sont omis car il n'y était pas mais aussi qu'il nous donne la version positive de son action - ce dont on ne peut pas lui faire grief - mais qu'il ne faut pas considérer le livre comme un livre purement d'histoire. Les éléments qui pourraient ternir l'action de la France combattante sont aux mieux minimisés, au pire complètement gommés.
On apprend quand même pas mal de choses à la lecture de ce livre. D'une part, de Gaulle est d'abord et avant tout un grand politique qui a une connaissance précise du fonctionnement d'un pays, de la nécessité - et de la complexité - de bâtir une administration avec une structure complexe (fonctionnaires, préfets, gouvernements, corps diplomatique, administration militaire), tâche qu'il nous décrit par le menu lorsqu'il est à Alger. La deuxième chose qui frappe, c'est la lutte qu'il a eu à mener contre les alliés américains (Roosevelt au premier chef) pour se faire entendre et surtout se faire accepter alors que ces derniers - à la différence des anglais qui n'osaient pas les contredire - voulaient donner sa chance à Vichy et au besoin pactiser avec Pétain si ce dernier avait accepté de se retourner contre l'Allemagne nazie. De Gaulle a été d'une intransigeance qui a finit par payer, c'est lui qui a "gagné" en se faisant accepter par les américains qui ont finit, après de nombreuses bisbilles, par céder pour faire valoir sa conception très élitiste de "la grandeur de la France". Tout cela est certainement embelli mais à la lecture de ces mémoires, son action force l'admiration.
Son style et son action acharnée et - apparemment - désintéressée en font un grand personnage et rendent les trente dernières pages sur la libération de Paris émouvantes. J'attends avec impatience la lecture prévue du troisième et dernier tome de ces mémoires.
A noter comme pour le premier tome que c'est un livre assez ardu qui plaira plus à des férus d'histoire - comme moi - qu'à des lecteurs que les longues listes de noms auxquels il rend hommages barberaient.
Comme dans la première partie, le livre frappe d'abord par le style de de Gaulle, un style épique et magnifique. Outre un grand politique, c'est de toute évidence un grand écrivain qui use merveilleusement de la langue française pour nous raconter une grande épopée, la sienne. Ce sont aussi des mémoires avec tout ce que cela implique de partial. Partial veut dire que des épisodes de la guerre sont omis car il n'y était pas mais aussi qu'il nous donne la version positive de son action - ce dont on ne peut pas lui faire grief - mais qu'il ne faut pas considérer le livre comme un livre purement d'histoire. Les éléments qui pourraient ternir l'action de la France combattante sont aux mieux minimisés, au pire complètement gommés.
On apprend quand même pas mal de choses à la lecture de ce livre. D'une part, de Gaulle est d'abord et avant tout un grand politique qui a une connaissance précise du fonctionnement d'un pays, de la nécessité - et de la complexité - de bâtir une administration avec une structure complexe (fonctionnaires, préfets, gouvernements, corps diplomatique, administration militaire), tâche qu'il nous décrit par le menu lorsqu'il est à Alger. La deuxième chose qui frappe, c'est la lutte qu'il a eu à mener contre les alliés américains (Roosevelt au premier chef) pour se faire entendre et surtout se faire accepter alors que ces derniers - à la différence des anglais qui n'osaient pas les contredire - voulaient donner sa chance à Vichy et au besoin pactiser avec Pétain si ce dernier avait accepté de se retourner contre l'Allemagne nazie. De Gaulle a été d'une intransigeance qui a finit par payer, c'est lui qui a "gagné" en se faisant accepter par les américains qui ont finit, après de nombreuses bisbilles, par céder pour faire valoir sa conception très élitiste de "la grandeur de la France". Tout cela est certainement embelli mais à la lecture de ces mémoires, son action force l'admiration.
Son style et son action acharnée et - apparemment - désintéressée en font un grand personnage et rendent les trente dernières pages sur la libération de Paris émouvantes. J'attends avec impatience la lecture prévue du troisième et dernier tome de ces mémoires.
A noter comme pour le premier tome que c'est un livre assez ardu qui plaira plus à des férus d'histoire - comme moi - qu'à des lecteurs que les longues listes de noms auxquels il rend hommages barberaient.
Displaying 1 - 2 of 2 reviews