A COLLECTION OF ESSAYS FOLLOWING McWHORTER’S “LOSING THE RACE”
Professor John Hamilton McWhorter (born 1965) wrote in the Preface to this 2003 book, “This book collects various pieces I have written in the wake of ‘Losing the Race: Self-Sabotage in Black America.’ That book has often been misunderstood as a statement about education… However, my actual goal … was to explore general currents in racial ideology that are predictable, given blacks’ history in this country, but which have become more harmful than helpful.” (Pg. xi) He continues, “I never intended [that book] as a work of scholarship, nor do I present this one as such… nor does my linguistics work have anything to do with race issues in America. When I write on race I am wearing a completely different ‘hat.’ When wearing that hat, I intend my writings as what me might call informed editorials… I intend the results … as an attempt at informed Common Sense that might touch the everyday reading of readers interested in hearing me out.” (Pg. xiv-xv)
He adds, “Some interpret my writings on race as aimed at white conservatives. And the truth is that most of what white conservatives believe on race in America is much more constructive for black people than what the white left has bamboozled us with over the past forty years. However… some of my views rankle white conservatives … For example, an op-ed on racial profiling, elicited its first wave of testy mail from whites rather than blacks. More than a few whites have written me … asking me to reconsider … views I express… such as my espousal of Affirmative Action in the business world.” (Pg. xvii-xviii)
He suggests that Jesse Jackson “is readily considered a ‘black leader’ ---even THE black leader---because he is committed to keeping whitey on his toes. On the other hand... [Colin] Powell, serving in a Republican administration, obviously is not…. Jesse Jackson is a ‘black leader’ who has done nothing whatsoever to improve the lot of the people he represents, but he remains ‘black’ because he likes trying to keep whites guilty, and … because he does it in the national spotlight.” (Pg. 9-10)
He states, “four decades of defeatist common wisdom have left all too many blacks with a psychological barrier to success… And this means that … black American will require more ‘goosing’ than, say, most immigrant groups. However, we must be able to recognize the goosing when we see it. The ‘racism is destiny’ paradigm often blinds us to seeing that certain policies typically tarred as ‘anti-black’ are precisely what we must require of those ‘on the hook.’ … If whites offer an open-ended welfare program that pays black women to have illegitimate children, then they remain ‘on the hook.’ … In encouraging black self-sufficiency, they are ‘off the hook.’” (Pg. 23-24)
He explains the book’s title: “we must resist the sincere but misguided black Americans who warn us that if we do not engage in the game of exaggerating black victimhood, then whites may ‘turn back the clock.’ To be ‘authentically black’ in a way that yields concrete fruits rather than the same old idle histrionics, we modern blacks must have deeply felt responses to this idea, ever at the ready.” (Pg. 26) Later, he adds, “racial profiling will stand as today’s main enabler of the dismaying, counterproductive sentiment that to be ‘authentically black’ is to maintain a quite distrust of the white man, to never feel quite at home if black people are not present, to sense integration as capitulation rather than the path forward.” (Pg. 55)
He says that, in racial profiling by police , We are faced with an ideological tic bedeviling the black community since the late 1960s: that blacks will not advance in any meaningful way until there is no racism in the United States, and that black ‘authenticity’ resists letting superficial improvements distract from this… we are faced with a studied vigilance based on reflex and emotion rather than fact-checking… under those conditions, statistics and hard logic will be of no effect in teaching black American that the police are not an occupying army… If the police stop more black men because black men dominate the street drug trade, then the drug peddlers are ‘revolutionaries’ playing ‘the cards they were dealt.’ If black-on-black homicides increase after a profiling controversy when officers refrain from stop-and-frisk… then whites are now just letting blacks kill each other because they don’t see them as human… If black officers ‘profile’ as much as white ones, then they have been ‘turned against their own people.’” (Pg. 52-54)
He proposes, “If Republicans seek the black vote, then because the profiling issue is today at the heart of reflexive black alienation, there is no more direct route to their goal than in making sustained efforts to heal the relationship between black people and police forces. This is all the more urgent given how much better a country this would create.” (Pg. 60-61)
He asserts, “here we run up against an argument that invariably sets reparations advocates’ eyes rolling: that American has been granting blacks ‘reparations’ for almost forty years… the ‘War on Poverty’ … that Lyndon Johnson instantiated, with Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., dedicatedly steering sixty bills through Congress in five years s chairman of the Education and Labor Committee.” (Pg. 90)
He states, “if I were assigned to develop a plan for black reparations, I would institute a program supporting poor black people for a few years while stewarding them into jobs—which is currently in operation. I would have the government and private organizations channel funds into inner-city communities to help their residents buy homes---which is exactly what Community Development Corporations have been doing for years. I would give banks incentives to make loans to inner-city residents to start small businesses---something the undersung Community Reinvestment Act has been doing since 1977… I would make sure there were scholarships to help black people go to school… I would propose that Affirmative Action policies… be imposed in businesses where subtle racism can still slow promotions…. Finally, I would ensure that black children had access to as good an education as possible.” (Pg. 94-95)
He observes, “black students are tacitly taught that black ‘authenticity’ means hunkering down behind a barricade glaring hatefully at the white ‘hegemony’ on campus. Black students typically cluster in their own section of dining halls, throw their own parties, often have their own theme houses, and are in general ushered into a separatist ideology that they often did not have then they came to campus.” (Pg. 148)
He explains, “my argument against racial preferences is … that they prevent black students from showing what they are made of, that they dumb black people down, pure and simple… students growing up in a system whose message is ‘You only have to do pretty darned well to get into a top school’ will, by and large, only do pretty darned well… to enshrine ‘diversity’ over true excellence nothing less than condemns black students to mediocrity.” (Pg. 155) Later, he adds, “Armed with this true confidence, black students will be less likely to compensate for private feelings of inferiority by retreating to their own sides of the cafeteria.” (Pg. 158)
He critiques Afrocentric history: How realistic is it to expect to be accepted as mental equals when blacks presenting themselves as ‘professors’ chart our history with mythical narratives, as if we were preliterate hunter-gatherers? And how constructive is it to foist upon us a ‘history’ that only heightens our sense of embattlement and alienation, especially then the ‘framework’ in question is a tissue of fabrications anyway?” (Pg. 180) Later, he adds. “We first need a new series of black history textbooks… They must not focus on sound-bite presentations of isolated black ‘heroes,’ but on celebrating how blacks of all levels of society and accomplishment have made the most of their situation in America over the past four hundred years.” (Pg. 219)
He concludes, “The traditional black ‘leadership’ waits for a revolution, but meanwhile most blacks rise and thrive IN SPITE OF black leftist ideology, not in response to it… the new black leaders will be concerned citizens working on the local level to foster change through direct interactions with individuals… A vocal fringe will insist that it is naïve or callous to put so much faith in African-American individuals to determine their own fate. But at the end of the day, who else is out there?” (Pg. 264)
Not nearly as thought-provoking as “Losing the Race” or “Winning the Race,” this book still will be of keen interest to those studying contemporary racial/ethnic issues.