The New Way of the World: On Neoliberal Society

by Pierre Dardot, Christian Laval, Gregory Elliott (Translator)

Exploring the genesis of neoliberalism, and the political and economic circumstances of its deployment, Pierre Dardot and Christian Laval dispel numerous common misconceptions. Neoliberalism is neither a return to classical liberalism nor the restoration of “pure” capitalism. To misinterpret neoliberalism is to fail to understand what is new about it: far from viewing the market as a natural given that limits state action, neoliberalism seeks to construct the market and make the firm a model for governments. Only once this is grasped will its opponents be able to meet the unprecedented political and intellectual challenge it poses.

Genres: Economics, Politics, Nonfiction, Sociology, Philosophy, History, Social Science

352 pages, Hardcover

First published January 1, 2009

About the author

Pierre Dardot, né le 28 octobre 1952, est chercheur rattaché au laboratoire Sophiapol de l’Université de Paris Ouest Nanterre La Défense et professeur en classes préparatoires à Paris. Titres universitaires : Agrégation de philosophie (1980) et Doctorat en lettres et sciences humaines (philosophie) de l’Université de Paris Ouest Nanterre La Défense (1988). Animateur depuis 2004 du groupe d’études et de recherches « Question Marx » avec Christian Laval. Ouvrages : Sauver Marx ? (avec Christian Laval et El Mouhoub Mouhoud), La Découverte, 2007 ; La Nouvelle raison du monde (avec Christian Laval), La Découverte, 2009 ; Marx, prénom : Karl (avec Christian Laval), Gallimard, 2012 ; Commun (avec Christian Laval), La Découverte, 2014.

Reviews

[Tristan · Rating 4 out of 5]

An excellent, excellent book which should be required reading. I wish this had been available when I was at university taking social theory classes. It's a bit of a slog at times and one or two chapters feel like they may never end but even if you skip bits here and there, it all comes clear. I read sections aloud to my partner (we are both already aware of the neoliberal network of governmentality) and he said it was like taking a little bit more of the red pill to escape the matrix. It's an empowering book.

[Murat Ucoglu · Rating 5 out of 5]

It is one of the best books on the genealogy of neoliberalism. Built on the Foucauldian perspective of neoliberal governmentality (which is explained by Foucault in The Birth of Biolopolitics) they both challenge two major assumptions. The first one is the right wing neoliberal assumption which asserts that neoliberalism entails the withdrawal of the state. Dardot and Laval genuinely illustrate that neoliberalism is a new form of state interventionism for the well-being of competition and for the continuation of precarious work. Secondly, they also challenge Marxist definition of neoliberalism which claims that neoliberalism consists of the restoration of class power (Essentially this theory is explained by David Harvey). Instead, they show that neoliberalism is a new way of doing things working with an understanding of "conduct of conducts" that aims at prevailing a common-sense competitiveness. The idea is to form a competitive society working with risk-management and entrepreneurship. This is more than classical class relations and it encapsulates new forms of hierarchy and social relations. However, it is still not very convincing to talk about neoliberalism by simply disregarding the fundamental class formation of capitalism.

[Ferda Nihat Koksoy · Rating 5 out of 5]

-Neoliberalizm, mali krizle birlikte yok olup gidecek geçici bir ideoloji olmadığı gibi, sadece ekonomik bir politika da değildir; yaşama, hissetme ve düşünme, yani içine itildiğimiz bir davranma şeklimiz, başkalarıyla ve kendimizle ilişki kurma biçimimizdir. Neoliberalizm, çağdaş kapitalizmin aklıdır. Bir yaşama şeklini tanımlar ki bu tarz, genelleşmiş bir PERFORMANS REKABETİ, içinde yaşamayı buyurur, toplumsal ilişkileri piyasa mantığına göre düzenler, birey dâhil her şeyi dönüştürür.

-Neoliberalizm liberalizmden farklı olarak, piyasanın "görünmez el" denilen doğal bir hal olmadığı ve devletin inşa edici projeleri ve şirketlerin rekabeti ile oluşturulduğu fikri ile hareket eder. Devlet gece bekçisi görevinden genel çerçeveyi kuran/gözeten ve onun içinde kendisi de rekabet normuna tabi olan UYANIK BEKÇİ rolüne geçmiştir. Bunun için ise kamu hukukunun tedrici olarak içini boşaltarak, özel hukuku kendine ve şirketlere hizmet eder hale getirmektedir. Böyle bir evrensel-şirketsel rekabet, bireyi de yönetilecek şirket ve meyve verecek sermaye haline getirmektedir.
Özel hukuku yürütmek için kararnameler ile denetimler aşılmaya çalışılmakta, polis öne çıkarılmaktadır. İdare sadece bir teknik olarak görülmektedir; kamu malı, kamu yararı, sosyal haklar, yurttaşlık hakları terk edilir olmuştur. Alt-yurttaşlar kategorisi ve yoksul gettoları imal edilerek toplumsal dışlama mekanizması yaratılmaktadır.

-Sürekli evrensel rekabet halindeki "girişimci benlik yönetimi", bir nevi "ŞİRKET-BİREY" yaratmış, çok kolay işten çıkarılabilme şiddetiyle oluşan korku ise bu bireyin yeni-köleleşmesine yol açmıştır. Arzularının ve sistemin kölesi haline gelen şirket-birey, kendisine uygulananları, başkalarına uygulamaya ve onların da şirket için köleleşmesine, kendilerini şirkete "çekincesizce adamasının ve bağlılığını kanıtlamasının" iktidarının kurulmasına çalışmaktadır.

-Çalışan ŞİRKET-BİREY, kendini artık emekçi olarak değil, piyasada hizmet satan, müşteri bulan, fiyat saptayan, maliyeti yöneten ve Ar-Ge yapan birisi olarak görmektedir. Bu yapılanlar ise sadece şirkete hizmet değil, kendine değer kazandırma sürecidir. Kişisel yaşam ile çalışma yaşamı bütünleşmiş, çalışma aidiyet alanı haline gelmiştir.
Bir doktor hem kâr edici davranmalı, hem de yataklarını mümkün olduğunca çabuk boşaltmalıdır; ticari zihniyet, insani ilişkinin önünde yer almaktadır.
Survivor yarışmaları, neoliberal mantığın, en yeteneklinin hayatta kalmasının ve performans/haz düzeneğinin sahnelenmesidir.
Cinsellik bile performans normuna tabi kılınmış; ilişki sayı ve süresi, orgazm kalitesi, partner çeşitliliği, her yaşta cinselliğin sürdürülmesi, genelleşmiş rekabet zihniyeti üzerinden "normal standartlara" büründürülerek hedef haline getirilmiştir.

-Kişinin kendi arzularına boyun eğerek tüm riskleri kuşanması ortaya RİSK TOPLUMUnu çıkarmıştır. Devletin üstlendiği sosyal güvenlik kurumlarının yerini bireyin üstlendiği risk sözleşmeleri almakta, iş-eş-sağlık sürekli risk altına girmekte ve kolektif yapılardan, gelenekten kopan birey her şeyi bu sürekli risk algısına göre yaşamaktadır.

-Artık gerekeni üretmek ve ihtiyacı tüketmek söz konusu değildir; yeni özneden "daima daha fazla üretmesi, tüketmesi ve haz alması"(MORE AND MORE) yani "hazza bağımlı” hale gelmesi beklenmektedir. Performans görev, haz ise buyruktur artık. Bunların dışındaki her şeyi unutan yeni-öznenin “kaybedenlere” zaman yoktur artık (NO TİME FOR LOSERS).

-Topyekûn kendini adayan şirket-özne, en ufak bir talihsizlik durumunda, kolektif-toplumsal işleyişin olmamasının yalnızlığı içerisinde, son derece yoğun bir psikolojik sıkıntıya girer; utanç ve değersizleşme yaşar. Kazanan/kaybeden düzlemine indirgenmiş olan ilişkiler, eziyet etme ve acı çekme sonuçlarını yaratmış; toplumsal norm, yetersiz(?) görülenlerin fırlatılıp atılmasına yol açmıştır.

-İşyerindeki proje, misyon ve ekiplerin sürekli değişmesi, bireyin karakterinde de istikrarsızlık ve erozyon yaratır, özele (ilişkiler, aile, hobiler) ayrılan zaman ve benlik geçicileşir. Aynı zamanda birikmiş deneyimleri için hiçbir destek yoktur ve her şey anlıktır. Yalnızca hemen kullanılabilen yetenekler geçerlidir ve deneyimliler meslek dışına itilip hızla geçersizleştirilir.
Her şeyin kaotik ve geçici olduğu bu ortamda birey artık parçacıkların kolajıdır.

-Bu derece geçici ve hareketli olması istenen ve toplumsal bağlarından, geleneklerinden, deneyimlerinden koparılan yeni-özneler nasıl bir arada tutulabilir? Yoksullara/tembellere, yük olan yaşlılara ve rakip olan göçmenlere NEFRET, yeni-özneleri birleştiren ZAMK olabilir (Nazi tavrı). Madalyonun diğer yüzünde ise "günün birinde kendisinin de onların durumunda kalma riski" yer alır. Bu ikiye yarılmanın getirisi, son 20 yılda 7 kat artan DEPRESYONdur ve PERFORMANS kültürünün eseridir. Sürekli risk ve hareket/çaba gerekliliği, kişinin kendisinden yorulmasına neden olmakta; yetersizlik, işlevsizlik, kaybetmişlik hissi toplumsal başarısızlık ve genelleşmiş depresyon olarak kendini göstermektedir.
İlaç, ekran ve tüketim bağımlılığı sıklıkla buna iştirak eder. Her türlü toplumsal/kurumsal idealin zayıfladığı, etiksizleşen ve ilkesizleşen ortam, kararsız oyuncu durumundaki bireyi kendisi üzerinden yeni hedefler yaratmaya yönelir ve bir gün arabasını, bir gün partnerini, bir gün cinsiyetini değiştirerek kimlik bulmaya çalışır. Mevki, görev, şirket, kulüp, marka "KİMLİK" yapılmaya çalışılır; "kimlik" değişken ve tüketilebilirdir artık.
Nesneyle kurulan sapkın ilişki her şeyin yerini almıştır ve her şey takas veya pazarlık konusu yapılabilir. Başkalarının mallarına ve yaptıklarına imrenme, başkalarıyla haz üzerinden kurulan ilişkiler yaygınlaşmaktadır.

-Cehalet, paranın küstahlığı, tahakkümün kabalığı, sinizm, aşağılama, dar kafalılık, hareketlerine hakim olamama, PERFORMANS adına yönetmenin sonuçlarıdır. Performansın tek ölçüt olduğu bir durumda, vicdana, düşünce-ifade özgürlüğüne, yasal ve demokratik kurumlara saygının ne önemi olabilir ki? Sadece yönetici seçimine indirgenmiş bir demokratiksizleşme, totaliter bir demokrasi, çoğunluğa dayandırılmış zorbalık söz konusudur.
Bu amaçla biyolojiden yararlanma çok artmış, biyo-sosyoloji, nöro-ekonomi gibi bilim dalları kaynaşmaları zorbalığa hizmet eder hale getirilmiştir.

- Neoliberalizmin olgun meyve gibi düşmesini beklemek, "tarih kendiliğinden bir şey yapmaz" gerçekliğini unutmak demektir.
İlk yapılması gereken, kendi kendinin işletmesi olma modeline alternatif özneleşme biçimlerini harekete geçirmek, hem kendine hem de başkalarına karşı bir tutum geliştirmektir (bu bir yönetim değişikliğinin ardından gelecek bir hareket olarak asla düşünülmemelidir).
ÖZERK BİRLİKTE YÖNETİM icat edilmelidir; her yerde ve sürekli olarak yaşatılacak olan bilginin ortaklaşılması, işbirliği ve yardımlaşma pratikleri, dünyanın başka bir aklını, ORTAKLIĞIN AKLINI yaratabilir.

[Eren Buğlalılar · Rating 4 out of 5]

This book is many in one:
i. A historical and philosophical investigation on the development of liberal thought starting from the 16th century onwards with brilliant explanations on how its conception of society, power and invidiual has been evolving (for some reason, this part is omitted in the English edition).
ii. Another historical analysis on the evolution of neoliberal thought, the crises it encountered and the differences between its various thinkers.
iii. A short historical review about the rise of neoliberal practices.
iv. An in-depth interpretation of the social and political significance of those practices.
v. A psychoanalytic analysis of the neoliberal subject, though this part is a stylistic disaster of po-mo jargon a-la-French.

The book is like a long journey into the neoliberal mindset and it revealed the gaps in my own understanding of contemporary liberal thought. If you are looking for a shorter and friendlier version of the same idea, check Brown's Undoing the Demos: Neoliberalism's Stealth Revolution.

[Julia Landgraf · Rating 4 out of 5]

Gostei bastante de ler esse livro, trouxe distinções importantes pra quem (como eu) quer sair cada vez mais do achismo entendendo os conceitos através dos quais articulamos nosso entendimento da realidade - e propomos outras realidades possíveis. Especialmente em âmbito econômico, achei bem elucidativo.
Liberalismo, neoliberalismo e subjetivação neoliberal de forma acessível.
Nos capítulos finais, fiquei com a sensação de estar cansada do argumento central da subjetivação de um "eu empreendedor", que se qualifica pra competir no mercado, e a forma como o Estado passa por essa mesma lógica autoritária neoliberal e antidemocrática. Mas é possível que eu tenha cansado porque não estava lendo o livro com o nível de abstração necessário pra efetivamente mergulhar de forma profunda, não saberia dizer.
Achei a conclusão bonita e esperançosa, coisa que tenho considerado cada vez mais necessária. Gosto de livros que me estimulam a não perder a capacidade de sonhar. E eles deram o gancho perfeito pra dar vontade de ler a continuação, sobre o comum. Um livro bem pensado.

[Hannah Vollebergh · Rating 5 out of 5]

Achtergrond voor filosofie scriptie. Zeer interessant! Onderzoekt het onstaan van het neoliberalisme en de effecten op het individu.

[Laisrian · Rating 4 out of 5]

An excellent text on "neo-liberalism", especially given the subject’s bloatedness by now as an area of scholarship. Comprized of two parts - an intellectual history/genealogy of N-L and a synchronic Foucauldian analysis of N-L 'governmentality' - Dardot and Laval break with some of the more simplistic (and frankly hysterical) screeds against "a return to pure capitalism"/"retreat of the state"/"laissez-faire" [2 electric boogaloo]/"free market fundamentalism"/a "conspiracy" of restoring class power and so on. In their own words, 'neo-liberalism, far from being an ideology or economic policy, is firstly and fundamentally a rationality, and as such tends to structure and organize not only the action of rulers, but also the conduct of the ruled. The principal characteristic of neo-liberal rationality is the generalization of competition as a behavioural norm and of the enterprise as a model of subjectivation' (4).

Part 1, "The Intellectual Reformation", features a breezy contextualization of N-L's emergence from the economic, political, and doctrinal crisis of classical liberalism, beginning towards the end of the nineteenth century and coming to a head in the 1930s. D+L show how the problems occasioned by the social question, the emergence of the enterprize, and international confrontation, challenged the prevailing paradigm of liberal governance, founded, as it were, on the abstention of the state from intervening in a naturalized, self-organizing economic sphere. This situation called for a rethinking of the basis of liberalism (and ergo, the art of governance) with D+L's analysis primarily centring around the Walter Lippman Colloquium (1938), serving as a foundation for the later and more popular 'Austro-American' grouping of N-L thought as well as the lesser known (for Anglophones) stream of German ordo-liberalism. Both sought to stress the constructed nature of the market order and its dependence on a juridical Rechtstaat; in effect, a novel form of state interventionism. D+L's subsequent discussion of Ludwig von Mises, Friedrich von Hayek, and Israel Kurzner is highly recommended, showcasing a system of thought that is far more internally coherent, developed, and (admittedly) sympathetic than often given. To give a simplistic summary, the major step forward of Hayek et al. (and this glosses over their internal differences/innovations) 'consists in regarding competition in the market as a process of discovery of relevant information, as a certain mode of conduct on the part of the subject, who seeks to outstrip and precede others in discovering new opportunities for profit' (103). The micro-economic basis, then, of the smooth operation of the market is far more expansive than previously understood, with its grounding in a wider theory of human action/entrepreneurship (Mises) and epistemology (Hayek) (cf. Mises, 1949). Because I found it especially interesting, I'll elaborate on it a bit here. In short: the individual economic actor is a calculcating being after his own self-interest, but he is ignorant; he does not possess all the facts - knowledge directly usable in the market. The market is characterized by a perpetual, self-propelling dynamic and more importantly, it is conceived as 'self-educating, self-disciplining' for the economic subject (106). By engaging in it, one is also learning by discovering (through the operation of price etc.), not simply maximising profit sought, but constantly in search of new opportunities and building means-end systems around them. From the outset, then, the dirigiste state in seeking to plan the economy attempts to intervene from a position of omniscience which can only lead to failure, and in a vicious circle, justify more intervention (acc. to Hayek). Once freedom of choice is made axiomatic here (of the entrepreneur/producer, and the consumer), it is essential that economic actors have the widest possible remit to, well, act, and be free from constraint; ergo, that competition is preserved and heightened so as to best draw out the entrepreneurial qualities that are latent in every man. As Schumpeter would describe it earlier in the century, the entrepreneur, engaged in 'creative destruction', is something like a mix between artist and sportsman: dynamic, vital, he does not act simply out of value but for love of the chase.

As Kirzner, who synthesizes Mises and Hayek puts it:

Like every acting man, the entrepreneur is always a speculator. He deals with the uncertain conditions of the future. His success or failure depends on the correctness of his anticipation of uncertain events … The only source from which an entrepreneur’s profits stem is his ability to anticipate better than other people the future demand of the consumers.

The theory of entrepreneurship, then, as D+L summarize, is a ‘relation of self to self’. It should be apparent from the above that this is far more than a theory of economic action, and Mises would be the first to point this out. It is a generalized theory of praxeology, of human action. If we are to follow Hayek, ‘the only ties which hold the whole of a “Great Society together are purely economic’ (125). Economic relations precede social relations. And it is the task of the state, newly conceived as Rechtstaat, to not only function as a framework for the efficiency of the market order and private property, but to actively construct situations for competition, including its own activities.

Part two, “The New Rationality”, is D+L’s analysis of what we might call Actually Existing N-L with a Foucauldian toolkit. To quote Foucault himself, ‘to govern is to structure the potential field of action for others’, the ‘conduct of conducts’. It is not the ordering of slaves but “autonomous” individuals who are free to choose; what is at stake is the situation he finds himself in choosing. Under N-L, subjects come to govern themselves according to its precepts of competitivity and entrepreneurialism. D+L’s narrative here stands apart from that of, for example, David Harvey’s, in that it refrains from assigning a theory/praxis relation of N-L thought and its political application. If an ideological struggle preceded it – and this episode of history really gives truth to that saying of Margaret Mead’s about the ability of ‘thoughtful, committed, citizens’ to change the world – D+L emphasize that N-L emerged from the convergence of a number of heterogenous processes (technological, economic, productive), strategic political choices, intellectual shifts, and policy decisions at all levels of governance (corporate, national, and international).

Chapter 6, “The Great Turn”, is perhaps the standout chapter in the book, synthesizing all of these developments in the global formation of a neo-liberal rationality, the making of a new ‘common-sense’. Both governments, individuals, and, well, enterprizes/corporations act according to a uniform logic and model. There is too much to really summarize here (and I am tiring of writing this review), but two things stood out: (1) the demonstration that so much of N+L policy making, and the world view it cultivates, claims it is the operation of reason itself, despite beginning from very specific, very ideologically complicit first principles; and (2), New Labour are an excellent case study for D+L’s argument, operating not out of a commitment to universalist, emancipatory politics but from ‘what works’, ‘what is efficient’, ‘what is modern’. This is sketched out further in the subsequent chapter on "Entrepreneurial Government" in which it acts as an 'enterprise in the service of enterprises' (228). 'The new public management has two aspects: it introduces more subtle modes of control that form part of a more sophisticated bureaucratic rationalization; and it blurs the particular remits of public service by formally aligning them with private sector outputs. As a result, we can both underscore continuity with the old bureaucratic logic and highlight a number of points of rupture' (252). It's three principles shall now be 'economy, effectiveness, efficiency' (254).

The final chapter on the subjectivity that N+L creates is interesting and disheartening. Very reminiscent of Franco Berardi’s work. I found it confirmed much of what I had long suspected but could never quite articulate regarding the psychic agonies of an individual who is always acting as an nominally ‘free’, creative and entrepreneurial subject within the evaluator, bureaucratic agora of N+L life. Consider:

It is now not so much a matter of recognizing that a man at work remains a man, that he is never reduced to the status of a passive object, as of viewing him as an active subject who must participate fully, commit himself utterly, and engage completely in his professional activity. The unitary subject is thus the subject of total self-involvement. The target of the new power is the desire to realize oneself, the project one wishes to pursue, the motivation that inspires the ‘collaborator’ of the enterprise, and, ultimately, desire by whatever name one chooses to call it. The desiring being is not only the point of application of this power; it is the relay of apparatuses for steering conduct. For the aim of the new practices for manufacturing and managing the new subject is that individuals should work for enterprises as if they were working for themselves, thereby abolishing any sense of alienation and even any distance between individuals and the enterprises employing them. The individual must work at his own efficiency, at intensifying his own effort, as if this self-conduct derived from him, as if it was commanded from within by the imperious order of his own desire, which there is no question of resisting.

Nevertheless, it is perhaps the weakest chapter in the book being freighted down by Lacan’s grubby influence. One cannot help but be sceptical of the points being made, even if they are convincing.

My only final criticism is that D+L gesture at a normative critique of N-L which, while I wholeheartedly share, is never grounded enough to be substantial (gesturing at ‘solidarity’ etc.). Admittedly, though, they are quite clear that this was not their intention.

All in all, an incredible work of critical scholarship. Difficult at all times throughout.

[João Vítor · Rating 5 out of 5]

Uma contribuição importante para se pensar as subjetividades e o modo de ser no atual paradigma capitalista.

[Anna Nicole Smith & Wesson · Rating 5 out of 5]

The first half is an excellent introduction to the historical emergence of neoliberal political economy. The second is a scathing critique of just this system of governmentality. Dardot and Laval take aim at the central tenant of neoliberal organization: competition. D & L argue that the modes of subjectivation engendered by the neoliberal apparatus produce the entrepreneurial subject - at once a self-reflective intensity of the ego as well as vaporized subject of competitive performance. The case is solid, if a little obvious: if the left is to gain a legitimate position in future government arrangements, it must confront competition as a necessity of political economy.

A really interesting piece of theory, with citations from Foucault, Wendy Brown and others. Highly recommended for anyone interested in how liberal governance emerged and its ongoing, increasing crises.

[sarah · Rating 4 out of 5]

só não dou 5 estrelas pq eles escorregaram do skate no último capítulo

[Pavlo Atlas · Rating 4 out of 5]

This book is an academic masterpiece on Neoliberalism, its history, its features, and its enemies. It starts from one premise: the Left fell miserably in understanding the nuances of neoliberalism and, by misunderstanding the virus, little they could do against the virus. Although sometimes dense, this book is a must for those who want to understand the Neoliberal society we live in right now. By doing so, not only they will see the economic system more clearly, but they will see themselves, the neo-subject, more transparently.

That is the message of Dardot & Laval. Neoliberalism is not the retreat of the state, it is not a set of policies or the lack of them. It is a more holistic change of mentality. It is a new rationality (or discourse in Foucault's terms). Neoliberalism is not an economic system. Neoliberal is us. Fierce competition is its state-of-nature.

[Anderson Paz · Rating 3 out of 5]

Os autores dessa obra conseguem, com seriedade, traçar as linhas principais do pensamento neoliberal, em seus desenvolvimentos de Mises, Hayek e Ropke. Fazem um importante diagnóstico dos impactos de tal pensamento sobre a política, direito e economia. Ainda assim, os autores se limitam demais a leitura de Foucault em "O nascimento da biopolítica" sobre o neoliberalismo, além de não apresentarem nenhum prognóstico razoável. Como apontam os escritores, falta ao pensamento à esquerda uma teoria econômica autônoma do socialismo, como conseguiram fazer os neoliberais a partir dos princípios do liberalismo clássico.

[Sérgio Yanagui · Rating 5 out of 5]

Os autores fazem uma interessantíssima e exaustiva genealogia do neoliberalismo, mostrando que, para além de uma mera radicalização do liberalismo econômico clássico, o neoliberalismo é também um modo de subjetivação: torna as pessoas empresas de si mesmas em um mundo de concorrência total. Na conclusão da obra, os autores fazem ainda uma análise crítica das propostas de resistência ao neoliberalismo elaboradas recentemente por Hardt/Negri e por Honneth e apontam para uma possível alternativa que se dá na ideia de "comum", desenvolvida em outro livro com esse título.

[Diego F. Cantero · Rating 5 out of 5]

DICE: "El management es un discurso de hierro en palabras de terciopelo."

Y TAMBIÉN DICE: "La función del liberalismo en el pasado fue poner un límite a los poderes de los reyes. La función del liberalismo en el futuro será limitar el poder de parlamentos sometidos a la presión impaciente de las masas incultas."

O: "El cinismo, la mentira, el engaño, el desprecio de la cultura, el relajamiento en el lenguaje y los gestos, la ignorancia, la arrogancia del dinero y la brutalidad de la dominación son títulos para gobernar en nombre de la sola «eficacia»."

Una obra necesaria. Imprescindible.

[Pierre-Olivier · Rating 5 out of 5]

A travers une analyse foucaldienne , dardot et laval nous offre une historique structurelle du néolibéralisme en tant que rationalité. Chronologie historique , idéologie , rôle de l’état et du gouvernement néolibéral, construction du neosujet , effet pathologique sur la psychologie humaine de cette hégémonique rationalité, tout y passe. Un des meilleurs livres que j’ai lu de ma vie, une œuvre qui se veut un outil de prédilection pour l’analyse de nos comportements individuels autant que sociétal des collectivités contemporaine. Magistral , j’en ait encore les frissons dans le dos !!

[Dylan Levine · Rating 3 out of 5]

focus on subjectivities in the conclusion is ok but the remedy misses the counter-conduct power found in collective organizing, and its potential for widespread adoption. neo-liberal subjectivity didn't directly result from actors purposefully attempting to alter consciousness, but from an apparatus that spans across politics and economics. resistance that gets too hyper-focused on governmentality while ignoring the material conditions that reify those ideas is doomed to fail

[Luisin · Rating 5 out of 5]

"Da construção do mercado à concorrência como norma dessa construção;

Da concorrência como norma da atividade dos agentes econômicos à concorrência como norma da construção do Estado e por fim;

Da concorrência como norma do Estado-empresa à concorrência como norma da conduta do sujeito-empresa.


Essas são as etapas pelas quais se realiza a extensão da racionalidade mercantil a todas as esferas da existência humana e que fazem da razao neoliberal uma verdadeira razao-mundo."

[mylene · Rating 4 out of 5]

sendo sincera, sinto que se eu não estivesse lendo esse para estudar para uma prova, eu teria aproveitado muito mais! a abordagem é muito interessante e fica evidente o quanto o neoliberalismo e o paradigma de governo empresarial divergem da verdadeira gestão pública (na realidade, é o objetivo do sistema manter essa ideia errada de que a gestão pública e a gestão empresarial são uma só) e no quanto a ideologia de mercado é uma doença na sociedade. por aqui odiamos o capitalismo.

[Andi]

DNF at 30%. I think this one is a bit above my comprehension level. Maybe I should have stuck to David Harvey's A Brief History of Neoliberalism.

[Ronaldo Lima · Rating 5 out of 5]

Um dos mais completos estudos sobre a lógica neoliberal. Os autores vão desde as bases materiais do modelo econômico até a racionalidade subjetiva que contamina todos os âmbitos da nossa vida. Eles partem de uma biopolítica do Foucault, mas expandem e atualizam várias de suas ideias.

[Nicolas · Rating 5 out of 5]

Un incontournable pour comprendre la trajectoire du libéralisme et les maux de notre époque.

[Aureo Toledo · Rating 5 out of 5]

Excepcional! De uma lucidez ímpar, talvez uma das melhores análises sobre nossa realidade contemporânea.

[Hiva · Rating 2 out of 5]

Causou mais dor do que outra coisa

[Riccardo]

TWC https://t.me/twcitagruppo/80264/89231

[Blanca · Rating 4 out of 5]

basado

[Jordan · Rating 5 out of 5]

A compelling and comprehensive genealogy of neoliberalism. My attention veered off in some parts, but overall it's an excellent book.

[Ivan Kapersky · Rating 5 out of 5]

El mejor libro que he leido este año./ The best book I've read this year.