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History of the German Empire, 1867-1914
"The German Empire was literally created on the battlefield, for not only was it the natural outcome of a war in which all the German tribes fought together against a hereditary foe, but the treaties which brought the States of the South into federal relationship with those of the North were concluded at Versailles, within sight of the ring of German steel which enveloped Paris. It was significant of Bismarck's determination to run no risks, now that the last stage of the struggle for unity had been reached, that he opened negotiations with the Sovereigns and Governments of the still outstanding States immediately the French had shown the first signs of wavering and had asked the price of peace..." William Harbutt Dawson
Contents: The Germanic Federation, 1806-1848. The Frankfort National Assembly, 1848-1851. Bismarck - the First Phase, 1851-1861. The Prussian Constitutional Conflict, 1858-1863. Bismarck's Visit to London in June, 1862. The Elbe Duchies and the Danish War, 1846-1865. The Extrusion of Austria, 1865-1866. The North German Confederation, 1866-1867. The Hohenzollern Candidature, 1867-1870. The War with France, 1870-1871. The New Empire, 1870-1874. Church and State, 1868-1883. Social Democracy, 1848-1888. Protection and Fiscal Reform, 1879-1887. Social Adjustments, 1871-1888. Foreign Relations, 1871-1887 - France. Foreign Relations, 1875-1885 - the Eastern Question. The Colonial Era, 1880-1890. Bismarck - the Last Phase, 1888-1890. Emperor William II. Domestic Affairs, 1890-1900 - the New Course. Emperor William II. Domestic Affairs, 1900-1914 - the Reaction. Foreign Relations, 1890-1904 - Weltpolitik. Foreign Relations, 1904-1906 - Morocco. Foreign Relations, 1906-1913 - the Triple Entente. Foreign Relations, 1913-1914 - the Latter Days. The Franco-Russian Alliance. The Russo-German Reinsurance Treaty of 1884-90.
Contents: The Germanic Federation, 1806-1848. The Frankfort National Assembly, 1848-1851. Bismarck - the First Phase, 1851-1861. The Prussian Constitutional Conflict, 1858-1863. Bismarck's Visit to London in June, 1862. The Elbe Duchies and the Danish War, 1846-1865. The Extrusion of Austria, 1865-1866. The North German Confederation, 1866-1867. The Hohenzollern Candidature, 1867-1870. The War with France, 1870-1871. The New Empire, 1870-1874. Church and State, 1868-1883. Social Democracy, 1848-1888. Protection and Fiscal Reform, 1879-1887. Social Adjustments, 1871-1888. Foreign Relations, 1871-1887 - France. Foreign Relations, 1875-1885 - the Eastern Question. The Colonial Era, 1880-1890. Bismarck - the Last Phase, 1888-1890. Emperor William II. Domestic Affairs, 1890-1900 - the New Course. Emperor William II. Domestic Affairs, 1900-1914 - the Reaction. Foreign Relations, 1890-1904 - Weltpolitik. Foreign Relations, 1904-1906 - Morocco. Foreign Relations, 1906-1913 - the Triple Entente. Foreign Relations, 1913-1914 - the Latter Days. The Franco-Russian Alliance. The Russo-German Reinsurance Treaty of 1884-90.
- GenresHistory
708 pages, Kindle Edition
First published February 3, 2013
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Displaying 1 - 3 of 3 reviews
February 16, 2016
History of the German Empire
Although this book is hard going at times, it definitely has its rewards. What makes it difficult is the author 19s style, which was honed in the nineteenth century, and his arrangement of material in a topic by topic approach that has to reset the clock to the 1860s to begin each topic. This is maddening because, for example, internal economic and social policies are related to foreign policy in ways that won 19t become clear until the reader has read all three sections on economics, social policy and foreign policy. For example, in the 1870s and 1880s, the German government was hostile toward the Catholic Church. One of the factors that brought this hostility to an end was that the Pope agreed to instruct the German Centrist Party (which was the Catholic party) to support Chancellor Bismarck 19s Army Bill. Paradoxically, if one reason for the government 19s hostility toward Catholicism was fear that Catholics in Germany would do anything the Pope told them to, the Centrist Party at first balked at the Pope 19s private instruction to party leaders to vote for the bill, instead continuing to oppose it. Only when the Pope 19s message was published for the world to see did the Centrist Party change its votes. But the reader does not get this full picture when the rise and fall of anti-Catholicism is first discussed, but only later in the chapter on foreign policy.
Nevertheless, this history contains lessons for those who may not realize the extent to which history is often an endless back and forth and rounds of tit for tat. To know that the Allies 14including the French 14forced Germany to accept a humiliating defeat at Versailles, near Paris, at the conclusion of World War I and that Germany later forced the French to agree to a humiliating defeat at Versailles in 1941, is not to get the full picture; for in 1870, Germany defeated France in a war and forced the French to accept a humiliating defeat and even used Versailles as the setting for the coronation of King Wilhelm of Prussia as the new Emperor of Germany. During the 1870s, there were noises, especially on Germany 19s part, to renew hostilities, but nothing came of these, and war was not renewed until 1914.
In a striking example of history repeating itself in completely different contexts, Germany underwent its own version of health care reform in the 1880s, which forces upon the present reader an obvious comparison to the health care reform in the United States since 2009. Such comparison and contrast are inevitable, even though this book was written a century ago and the author has no mind to make any comparison. One similarity is that the idea of government intervention in health care was tied to socialism by critics in both cases and denied by proponents. In the German case, however, there was not one comprehensive bill but three separate ones. Proponents of what has come to be called Obamacare strongly rejected this sort of 1Cpiecemeal 1D reform. Also, each German health care reform bill was proposed serially; the next law was not taken up until the previous one had been voted on. Finally, each of the German bills was debated for two years before being voted on. In the case of the United States, the comprehensive bill was rushed to a vote in a short time and not only not debated but not read by the politicians voting on it. The objection of proponents to lengthy deliberation was that the bill would be watered down and lose its effectiveness. In view of this objection, one cannot help noticing that the lengthy comment period and even rewriting of the German reform bills actually helped the laws to win some multi-partisan support and, after it went into effect, to be fiscally solvent and long-lasting. (It remains to be seen whether Obamacare will be able to remain solvent for very long.)
Those who do not study history are not only condemned to repeat it, but they are in danger of meeting with disasters that our ancestors have already shown us the way to avoid.
Although this book is hard going at times, it definitely has its rewards. What makes it difficult is the author 19s style, which was honed in the nineteenth century, and his arrangement of material in a topic by topic approach that has to reset the clock to the 1860s to begin each topic. This is maddening because, for example, internal economic and social policies are related to foreign policy in ways that won 19t become clear until the reader has read all three sections on economics, social policy and foreign policy. For example, in the 1870s and 1880s, the German government was hostile toward the Catholic Church. One of the factors that brought this hostility to an end was that the Pope agreed to instruct the German Centrist Party (which was the Catholic party) to support Chancellor Bismarck 19s Army Bill. Paradoxically, if one reason for the government 19s hostility toward Catholicism was fear that Catholics in Germany would do anything the Pope told them to, the Centrist Party at first balked at the Pope 19s private instruction to party leaders to vote for the bill, instead continuing to oppose it. Only when the Pope 19s message was published for the world to see did the Centrist Party change its votes. But the reader does not get this full picture when the rise and fall of anti-Catholicism is first discussed, but only later in the chapter on foreign policy.
Nevertheless, this history contains lessons for those who may not realize the extent to which history is often an endless back and forth and rounds of tit for tat. To know that the Allies 14including the French 14forced Germany to accept a humiliating defeat at Versailles, near Paris, at the conclusion of World War I and that Germany later forced the French to agree to a humiliating defeat at Versailles in 1941, is not to get the full picture; for in 1870, Germany defeated France in a war and forced the French to accept a humiliating defeat and even used Versailles as the setting for the coronation of King Wilhelm of Prussia as the new Emperor of Germany. During the 1870s, there were noises, especially on Germany 19s part, to renew hostilities, but nothing came of these, and war was not renewed until 1914.
In a striking example of history repeating itself in completely different contexts, Germany underwent its own version of health care reform in the 1880s, which forces upon the present reader an obvious comparison to the health care reform in the United States since 2009. Such comparison and contrast are inevitable, even though this book was written a century ago and the author has no mind to make any comparison. One similarity is that the idea of government intervention in health care was tied to socialism by critics in both cases and denied by proponents. In the German case, however, there was not one comprehensive bill but three separate ones. Proponents of what has come to be called Obamacare strongly rejected this sort of 1Cpiecemeal 1D reform. Also, each German health care reform bill was proposed serially; the next law was not taken up until the previous one had been voted on. Finally, each of the German bills was debated for two years before being voted on. In the case of the United States, the comprehensive bill was rushed to a vote in a short time and not only not debated but not read by the politicians voting on it. The objection of proponents to lengthy deliberation was that the bill would be watered down and lose its effectiveness. In view of this objection, one cannot help noticing that the lengthy comment period and even rewriting of the German reform bills actually helped the laws to win some multi-partisan support and, after it went into effect, to be fiscally solvent and long-lasting. (It remains to be seen whether Obamacare will be able to remain solvent for very long.)
Those who do not study history are not only condemned to repeat it, but they are in danger of meeting with disasters that our ancestors have already shown us the way to avoid.
October 31, 2017
Read it only if you're fond of history. It's like 900 pages of very detailed German history. I like it very much, and it was useful for me to understand why other historical events, like WWI and WWII took place.
November 16, 2020
Very detailed
A long and detailed report on conditions that lead to war. Since it was written a few months after the war events were fairly fresh in the mind of the author.
A long and detailed report on conditions that lead to war. Since it was written a few months after the war events were fairly fresh in the mind of the author.
Displaying 1 - 3 of 3 reviews