Ken Hollings is part of a crew of imaginative writers in London who are interested in the byways of popular culture and consciousness and are perhaps best represented by the Strange Attractor Journal (now into Issue Four) and by the broadcasts on Resonance FM.
Mark Pilkington, who runs Strange Attractor Press, covers some of the territory of this book in ‘Mirage Men’ (2010) but the two works are complementary rather than competitive.
Pilkington’s primary concern is in the disinformation and paranoia surrounding UFOs. He writes a personal narrative based on his own search for the truth behind the mythos, an investigation that leads him into the murky world of the military-industrial complex (of which more another day).
Hollings looks at the same cultural milieu but from a different perspective – by observing events during the early Cold War (1947-1959) year-on-year and looking for instructive connections.
If you want a simple answer to what was American culture during the age of its maximum militarisation and organisation into conformity, then you won’t find it.
Hollings’ technique is not to force a narrative on you but to tell sufficient of the tale that you can start to build your own narrative from his anecdotes and interconnections.
So this review is my narrative – yours may be different. Although there are occasional ambiguities and the story, perforce, has to stop in its trajectory, so to speak, in 1959, begging for a sequel about the 1960s, he succeeds magnificently.
Hollings intertwines popular culture (largely through the science fiction films of the era), the construction of the UFO mythos, social changes that developed out of military planning, the use of science by the military, organisational theory and the invention and exploration of pharmaceuticals into a tale of a culture that lost its moral compass without ever falling into the dreadful criminality of more obviously totalitarian regimes.
But let there be no mistake in this. American culture remained free enough to enable resistance to its own extremisms, a flowering of which briefly took place in the 1960s only to be crushed soon after, and it remains free in that sense of possibility today
However, the construction, out of the world of the New Deal, the Manhattan Project, the Marshall Plan and the Truman Doctrine, of the military-industrial complex was to all intents and purposes quasi-totalitarian in effect.
To read this book is to see America in a new way, a way that does not mean that it was precisely equivalent to the evil regime it defeated or its rival in communism.
Nevertheless, fear and anxiety in the American State created not merely paranoia within itself and in the popular culture of the period but also a profound loss of moral compass in using persons as means instead of ends in themselves.
In the end, it rationalised the balance of terror to the extent that the criminal horrors of Vietnam under Robert McNamara seem now not merely possible but inevitable.
Two acts jump out of the pages of this book that suggest why this nation has become so dangerous and why the ‘beacon on the hill’ of the crusade against fascism is not the same nation today.
There is the addition of the phrase ‘Under God’ to the Pledge of Allegiance in 1954 and, in 1956, Subtitle I Part A Chapter 3, Section 302 of the US Code replaced ‘e pluribus unum’ with ‘In God We trust’ as the nation’s official motto.
These two changes at the height of the Cold War are not trivial.
They are truly totalitarian because they lead to the assertion that loyalty is not to a community of persons organised in a contractual State (the original secular concept of the Republic) but to a community that is, in some way, beholden to a concept outside itself.
Godless communism was to be faced off by a republic, if not with divine sanction, one placing itself under God’s protection even though there was no sign that he existed any more than the flying saucers that ‘appeared’ periodically.
This belief in God and the belief in flying saucers appear to be two sides of the same coin of an irrationality that became necessitated by the excess of rationalism in the search for military superiority.
America lost its core rationality just as it presided over the most determined imposition of rationalism on human existence since the New Man Soviet experimentation of the interwar period.
Paranoid cinema, the selling of bunkers and high military expenditures on nuclear fear and flying saucer scares (which originally had marginal support as signs of extraterrestrial visitation) were all aspects of a system where resistance could only be expressed either in codes or in ‘delinquency’.
The US had long since suppressed an open attitude to sexuality. We must not forget that political dissent was quickly crushed in the atmosphere of fear surrounding the ideas of any liberal who saw redistribution and popular control of the means of production as possible.
Now, the State consciously suppressed information and bound its population into a growth scenario that was very much based on military expenditures, either to its own convenience or as spin-off benefits.
The transfer of military factories to distant locations was matched by the creation of suburbs that had been designed on principles derived from modernism and military pre-fabrication.
The highway system was designed to ensure rapid evacuation of citizens and free up troop and hardware movements - and helped to create America’s now-fateful dependence on the automobile.
The corporations that built nuclear power plants also made the household equipment that went into the new suburban homes.
Walt Disney used Nazi war criminal Von Braun to promote Disneyland and so helped promote the ambitions of the rocketeers to take war into space.
Everything was ambiguous. Consciousness-changing drugs (like LSD) were liberatory for a small elite but also of considerable interest to the CIA who attempted to corner the market in them and to take indirect charge of their scientific investigation.
They also became intimately connected to the application of behaviourist techniques to mind control that could double up either as mental health solutions or as means of controlling foreign populations and agents.
The ambiguity extended to the very non-Kantian and post-Nazi use of persons as objects in experimentation.
This was scarcely a moral issue in any Western culture until the Nuremburg Trials resulted in a Code of Ethics that limited psychological and health experimentation - but only up to a point.
To discipline the profession, you had to know precisely what it was up to ...
Government agents in small units were not merely experimenting on colleagues without their consent but positively misleading large numbers of citizens, notably children in Massachusetts in 1950, into taking dangerous substances.
In San Francisco, a dodgy special unit of the CIA was using hookers to test psychotropics on visiting businessmen not long after that.
Behind all this, was an attitude of mind that was positively and deliberately both modernist and scientific, a different form of scientific materialism perhaps.
If so, it was a scientific materialism with God added as a political and cultural afterthought as if a deliberate differentiator from Sovietism was now needed in addition to a not very secure sense of ‘freedom’.
As Reynolds has pointed out, the ideal of liberty competes with the idea of God in American culture - bringing God into play conveniently lessens the need for freedom.
This was a culture of behaviourism in psychology and of game theory in strategy, of engineering to build better weaponry and of organisational excellence, of command and control.
It positioned anti-Soviet capitalism as mirror image, only more effective, of its chief enemy.
This was the triumph of the autistic rational man, the person who had no understanding of the masses except as a mass to be analysed and normalised (or abnormalised) sexually (Kinsey), psychologically and materially.
Even the Mental Health Act of 1946 was largely driven not by the welfarist needs of the population but by the discovery of the numbers of mentally disturbed servicemen in wartime and a need to reform in order to mobilise.
The best that might be said was that this culture was national-paternalistic, a mild throw-back to that aspect of the New Deal that sought to save free capitalism from fascism and socialism by mimicking some of its attributes.
Contemporary America is thus the creation of this era as much as it is of all its succeeding and preceding eras.
The Nixon reaction to the libertarian revolt of the 1960s was based on his mental perceptions of what America had to offer to counter Khruschev.
Reagan's culture was that of the Western States (like Nixon) whose economic and political power was created out of the development promoted by military-industrialism.
Reagan merely returned the country to its freedom-based mythos without tampering, indeed by extending, a machine that now no longer needed to control its population (a situation being reversed today under the cloak of the paranoid fear of terrorism).
Reagan’s genius was simply that of confidence that things would hold together and that ‘special measures’ were simply not necessary. Interestingly, Reagan wasn't that much interested in God.
Above all, though it would be foolish to deny that in many respects the US is still more free than much of the rest of the world, that the US is as free as it thinks it is must be very moot point.
That is another debate entirely but the insertion of theism into the American system, the integration of science with strategic-military rather than national welfare ends, the ambiguous role of the entertainment and media industries as social steam valves as much as oppressive agents of conformity and the mutual dependence of big business and the strategic-security lobby now appear to be embedded in this imperial culture.
This book does not provide a theory. It is simply a narrative.
Nor is it a complete picture by any means (a far better guide to history would be David Reynolds’ ‘Empire of Liberty, also reviewed on GoodReads).
But it is highly recommended for teasing out connections that come down to presenting us with a sub-totalitarian system developed by a small rationalising elite to which resistance became not futile by any means.
Not futile but reduced into ‘beatnik’ and popular cultural codes and teenage rebellion by fear and a lack of access by dissenters to the media that otherwise spoke to them directly.
From this perspective, the potential importance of the internet, created by the same military-industrial complex, is considerable – except that it is danger of becoming an outlet for paranoia, rage and despair in the social media rather than an agency for effective political or cultural reaction.
In that sense, as liberals hissy-fit over the latest bit of cultural politics or tin-pot war, ‘plus ca change’.
Hollings tells the story of the naivete of EC Comics whose schlock-horror comics were faced by the damning testimony of a rationalising scientific ‘expert’ to Congress.
The truth was that the comics were doing no harm at all (later, the adult industry would handle things better) but this ‘expert’ spoke to the conservative fear and paranoia of politicians.
This eliter group feared the ‘enemy within’ and saw children not as persons in themselves but, effectively, as survival fodder for the coming nuclear exchange.
The inchoate ‘baby boomer’ rebellion eventually took the tools given to it by the system and turned them against it - but then had no theory or strategy to resist the reaction of conservative America.
In the end, the ‘sixties’ were simply about one generation of the elite turning on the rest but developing no communication with the masses of their own generation or any persuasive language for speaking to their elders.
The great victory was perhaps to assist in bringing blacks and women into the political process and to ensure that a genuinely liberal coalition always faced off a genuinely conservative one but the actual structures of power have scarcely changed.
Today, America is in pain (as it was in the 1970s) only because blindness to the actual structures of military-corporate socialism is not being made politically irrelevant by continued economic growth.
The huge welfare structure that has grown irrationally on the back of the New Deal (the pre-condition for acceptance of militarism) is competing with a Great Power mentality.
The highest result of all that sixties liberalism is that a black and a woman now order tomahawk missiles and drones into battle.
American liberals are terribly impressed with all this ‘achievement’ but, after reading this book, it now seems like some gilding on some very tatty furniture.
Although the liberals have succeeded in stopping persons being treated as things within the bounds of the United States, they have not stopped the imperial monster from treating foreigners like things instead of persons.
The killing continues, if more subtly than in the days of Robert McNamara ...